Benoit Vermander (魏明德)

Benoit Vermander (魏明德)

Benoit Vermander lives in Shanghai. He teaches philosophy and religious anthropology at the University of Fudan.

週一, 12 十月 2015 13:32

Michel de Certeau: The Unity of an Itinerary

Nathalie Zemon Davis has given a very effective description of Certeau’s underlying intellectual and existential focus:

          “Whether writing about madness and mysticism in the seventeenth century, South American resistance movements in the past and present, or the practice of everyday life in the twentieth century, Certeau developed a distinctive way of interpreting social and personal relations. … Certeau wanted to identify the creative and disruptive presence of "the other"—the outsider, the stranger, the alien, the subversive, the radically different—in systems of power and thought. … To be sure, notions of ‘otherness’ were cropping up in literature, philosophy, and psychoanalysis in the 1960s and 1970s, when Certeau was gaining prominence, but he was original in the multiple ways he conceived figures of the ‘other’ and how they functioned in many settings. He coined the term "heterologies" to describe disciplines in which we examine ourselves in relation to otherness; history and ethnography, for instance, could be ‘sciences of the other’ if they confront the often disfiguring assumptions we bring to our understanding of different times and places.”[1]

Reflecting on the forms, expressions and meaning of “Experience” was at the core of Certeau’s research: what language do men shape and develop to give an account of what is impossible to express and yet cannot but be said, sung or cried out? How does “experience” coalesce into “institutions” that want to make it perennial and yet are prone to disfigure the initial intuition of the founder? How does our creativity in everyday life, regardless of the constraints to which we are submitted, flow from the roots of our inner experience and create new social configurations? As Marcel Mauss had done before him, Certeau was somehow looking for “total social facts” (fait social total), the study of which reconciles and transcends sociology, psychology and anthropology. Certeau’s quest has a strong epistemological dimension: it wants to restore the unity of all knowledge presently divided into different social sciences and humanities according to the way separate fields of study or “disciplines” are defined and organized by the academic world.

As it had been partly the case for Marcel Mauss some forty years before, Certeau entered the “linguistic turn” because of such epistemological concerns: paying attention to the logic of language was the key for reconciling the study of the individual and the collective into one. “Mystical” language was Certeau’s special topic. He studied mysticism not only as an individual phenomenon, but also as a collective adventure. He did it through the deciphering of the Mystical School which flourished in the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, especially in Spain and in southwest France. His encounter on  the one hand  with Jacques Lacan and a certain type of psychoanalysis, on the other hand with Wittgenstein and his philosophy of language helped Certeau to center his thought on the formal linguistic study of speech and writing. That study provided him with an organizing thread which was instrumental in linking his  investigations through many disciplines. No wonder that Certeau was so quick to produce an insightful analysis of the 1968 movement: right on the spot he understood it as a major event concerning people’s language and speech.

 

Making Sense of Everyday Life

In L'Invention du quotidien (The Practice of Everyday Life) of 1980, Certeau brought attention to all kinds of daily practices. For instance, the way people are walking into the city according to their own whims creates a  "walking rhetoric”; we read books in ways we are not supposed to do it, somehow reshaping and giving new meaning to the material at hand. In the same way, cooking rituals organize our own space and ways of living together, with families and friends. Somehow, the “trajectories” developed by ordinary people can be seen as “tactics” they devise to build up their own markers, paths and spaces across settings to which they have to get adapted. By so doing,  they “poach upon” the territories controlled by political and social powers. Paying special attention to the “ways of proceeding” of the silent majority therefore leads to a “polemological analysis of culture.” Culture articulates conflicts and develops in an atmosphere of tensions, and often of violence, for which it provides temporary balances, contracts and compromises. “The tactics of consumption, the ingenious ways in which the weak make use of the strong, thus lend a political dimension to everyday practices” concludes Certeau.

As developed by Certeau, the notion of “trajectory” or “wandering line” is especially thought-provoking: “In the technocratically constructed, written, and functionalized space in which the consumers move about, their trajectories form unforeseeable sentences, partly unreadable paths across a space. Although they are composed with the vocabularies of established languages (those of television, newspapers, supermarkets, or museum sequences) … the trajectories trace out the ruses of other interests and desires that are neither determined nor captured by the systems in which they develop.” Note here the way the tactics of everyday life are compared to sentences, in which we use as we deem it best specific sets of vocabulary and grammatical resources.

Certeau’s line of analysis has been developed well beyond its original setting. The concepts developed in The Practice of Everyday Life have been used for explaining how people “create” ancestors for instance through representations and stories.[2] In modern megalopolises, urban-dwellers’ inventiveness is now taken into account by the ethnographic literature when describing how they make use of the places designed for mass consumption or how they carve out places for religious or recreational purposes.

 

History, Practices and Writing

Certeau’s epistemological acuteness took shape through his study of the mystical and spiritual literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It made him aware that believers had been continuously adapting their faith to new social contexts and giving new meanings to words, ideas and rituals coming from the past. Even for a 20th century historian who is a Catholic believer, any 16th century Catholic was really a “Stranger.”

According to Certeau, we cannot just project on the past our current vision and languages – and, at the same time, we cannot content ourselves with a learned, “objective” accumulation of data. There is an “absence”, a “lack”, a tension that truly opens up a way towards “historical knowledge.” It is the “otherness” of the one we first thought was “close” to us that gives birth to the risk of writing history. Certeau says that he started to write really about Jean-Joseph Surin, when he discovered how far away he was from this 17th  century French Jesuit  whose texts he was studying.

The reflection led by Certeau on the status of the historical text was inspired by his own historical practice, and at the same time it was  influencing his historical practice. His own research style has been well characterized by Roger Chartier: “’All of Certeau’s work as a historian was centered on the precise, careful analysis of the practices by which men and women of past times, appropriated, each in his or her own way, the codes and the places that were imposed on them, or else subverted the accepted rules to create new formalities.”[3]

  

Belief and Weakness: Entering the Mystic Path

As his historical research leads him to reflect on the nature of “belief’, Certeau also renews  Christian theology. He sees Christ as the figure of the Other, of the “Stranger’, he describes “belief” as a way of experiencing one’s weakness (La Faiblesse de croire, 1987 – English translation in preparation in London, Spanish translation available in Buenos Aires). Such existential weakness, he noted, needs also to mark the institution that conveys and gives social expression to faith. A “weak Church” is the only institutional model that can be fully loyal to the particular nature of Christian faith. Only in weakness can spiritual fecundity be experienced. Christianity had to be “scattered” (Le Christianisme éclaté, Paris, Seuil, 1974) in order to be reborn. “One can say that the mystical is a reaction against the appropriation of truth by the clerics, who started to become professionalized in the thirteenth century. It favored the illumination of the illiterate, the experience of women, the wisdom of fools, the silence of the child: it opted for the vernacular languages against the Latin of the schools. It maintained that the ignorant have competence in matter of faith. … The mystical is the authority of the crowd, a figure of the anonymous.”[4]

Chartier has said that, for Michel de Certeau, “History was a place of experimentation.”[5] The same can be asserted of all intellectual practices to which Certeau dedicated his thought and time. For him, a field of research was never actually defined and limited by its subject matter. His careful exploration of any issue, in any field of study, would rather turn it into a place, a laboratory : there he would  link together insights, hypotheses and methodologies into an ever-evolving intellectual synthesis. The discovery of the “Stranger” – located in us or outside of us –  was the driving force which inspired his insatiable curiosity. In a special way, Certeau tells us that mysticism and its study allow us to explore the very “strangeness” which always is within and outside our own being, such exploration will draw us farther away from our familiar ground.

Maybe when we embark into any research of our own, do we similarly need to nurture a “mystical drive” that brings us away from our comfort zone. Thirty years after his death,  Certeau’s works still challenge our intellectual habits and bring us towards grounds where we may be reluctant to be involved. As he would say so often, to fully live one’s life, everyone has to take some major risk.


[1] “The Quest of Michel de Certeau”, The New York Review of Books, 55 (8), May 15 2008.

[2] See Grégory Deleplace, 2009, L’invention des morts, sépultures, fantômes et photographie en Mongolie contemporaine, Paris, Centre d’Etudes Mongoles et Sibériennes- Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, « Nord-Asie I ».

[3] Roger Chartier, op. cit., pp.45-46.

[4] Interview in Le Nouvel Observateur, 25 September 1982, pp.118-121; quoted in Chartier, op. cit., p.46.

[5] Op. cit., p.47.

 

Illustration by Bendu

週四, 10 九月 2015 09:34

企業社會責任與中國系列評論【三】

企業社會責任與中國系列評論

農民工學校教育與中國企業社會責任

撰文│魏明德

圖片提供│魏明德作者與農民工在四川家鄉的子女合影

近年來,一些中國企業特別重視和農民工子女相關的教育專案。同時,地方政府、非政府組織和教育機構也一直關注農民工子女的教育品質和就學數量等問題。農民工子女教育問題與企業公司執行的策略直接相關因此針對工作地點、社會福利、培訓計劃以及勞資合約,公共部門或非政府組織也監督企業公司如何關注農民工子女的教育議題。大約的形式包括提醒業者注意員工子女可能碰到的問題(不管農民工子女留在家鄉或是隨著農民工來到城市),並鼓勵業者參與教育計畫或其他創舉。農民工子女教育已成為管理策略和全球性關注相互交織的一個典型課題。在這裡,我們將提出一個公益計畫案例詳加闡明,讓我們瞭解如果企業公司對社會環境具有深刻認識的話將更有效地制定內部管理策略,以及決定企業投身社會慈善計劃的方式。

城市農民工子女的數量比農民工的數量更加難以估計,因為眾多農民工的孩子並沒有接受正規教育。人們推測城市農民工子女的數量已達兩千萬名,占中國兒童總人數的十五分之一強。(1)根據教育部的統計,2011年隨著父母外出工作遠離農村家鄉又處於義務教育年齡的兒童共計一千兩百六十萬名,比2010年多了九十三萬八千名兒童。(2)大部分的農民工子女都住在大城市裡,尤見中國南部和東部地區。超過60%的農民工帶著自己的孩子住在北京、上海、廣州。三分之一的農民工子女出生在自身居住的城市,三分之一在出生的大城市居住至少五年的時間。(3)然而,他們在城市列屬二等公民,面臨就學和醫療的體制障礙,並且飽受社會歧視。

有的父母離開家鄉外出打工時,選擇將孩子留在農村,形成一群數量更為龐大留守兒。根據2008年全國婦聯的一份報告指出,留守兒計有五千八百萬名,占農村十七歲以及十七歲以下人口的21.72%(4) 根據教育部統計,2011年學齡留守兒計有兩千兩百萬名,較前一年減少七十一萬兩千名。(5)比起城市人子女,農民工子女往往有較高的輟學率、較低的就學率,以及較低的畢業率。(6) 眾多農民工子女沒有完成九年義務教育。居住在城市的農民工子女約有四分之三的年齡處於小學階段(7),而十二歲以上農民工子女的就學率普遍低落。 (8)眾多農民工後代的青少年子女選擇返回家鄉,或選擇在城市開始工作。

對於讀得起高中的農民工後代,他們面臨著無法參加非戶籍地高考(大學聯考)的困境。這個現象不僅意味著一趟歸鄉的高價旅程,也表示因為地域配額的限制,他們進大學的機會比其他人渺小。在過去幾年來,一些農民工集體造訪教育部,目的在於請求取消高考的戶口限制。20128月落實一項新的政策——這是繼2001年和2003年後第三個實施的政策——但在短期間,但若說要做到完全取消戶口限制的可能性並不高,尤其對教育資源豐富的大城市而言更是如此,諸如北京、上海和珠江三角地區。(9)

在農民工自行管理的私立學校,常有由非政府組織的支持,對眾多農民工家長而言,農民工學校是可行的解決方案在這些學校裡,學費不但在家長可承受的範圍之內,而且在農民工子女與城市學生之間,以及在農民工與學校校長老師之間的相處也較為容易。然而,多數的農民工學校達不到基本的安全標準,例如校舍、設備和食品的品質等,不足以吸引或留住合格教師。低素質的教學團隊和師資的高流動率嚴重影響學習品質。學生確實學習到基本知識,但他們的學業成績遠遠低於同年級的公立學校學生。(10)

由於上述在城市接受教育的難處、城市撫養孩子的高成本,以及城市工時長等原因,大多數農民工選擇把孩子留在家鄉,留給祖父母或其他親屬撫養,尤其是幼童或青少年,成為留守兒。留守兒的學校生活乏人關心,學業成績往往落後同班同學,輟學率也較高。除了學業方面的問題,留守兒缺乏和父母的相處,面臨各種社會問題和心理問題。女孩似乎比男孩付出的代價更為沉重。與男孩相比,父母往往較少帶女孩到城市,女孩接受的教育機會較少,同時也要在家鄉做更多家事。(11)

大家都越來越認同教育是讓農民工子女更好融入城市的主要方式,某些基金會和企業公司已開始贊助相關計畫。例如,20116月,安利公益基金會創立,該基金會是中國第一個由各跨國企業公司在民政部的直接監管下成立的私人基金會,同時推出三大專案——陽光助長計劃、彩虹支教計劃、春苗營養計劃,來幫助農民工子女。(12)

安利公益基金會由安利(中國)日用品有限公司捐資一億元人民幣,基於《基金會管理條例》所設立。(註13)安利公益基金會旨在幫助農民工子女,為他們創造居住學習以及成就自我與他人的環境;培育高標準且願意奉獻的志工組織;透過研究合作和交流,確實推廣中國慈善事業的健康成長與永續發展。(註14)

春苗營養計劃在中國中西部留守兒高度集中地區的寄宿學校設立春苗營養廚房,培訓廚房管理部門,為貧困地區的鄉村寄宿學生提供更好的營養。(15)

陽光助長計劃設立陽光文化活動室,將在頂尖學校任教的優秀教師聘請來為農民工子女課後授課,使得居住在城市的農民工子女能夠與城市社會整合。(16)

彩虹支教計劃為中國西部貧困地區的留守兒提供教育協助,贊助中國知名大學的大學畢業生或是研究生的志工來教育留守兒,同時為留守兒創造更多機會,諸如改善學校設施幫助失學兒童重返校園,舉辦休閒與體育活動等。(註17)

註釋

1 ATTANE, Isabelle, Au pays des enfants rares. La Chine vers une catastrophe démographique, Paris, Fayard, 2011, p.182.《衛報》有類似的估計(1900)上千萬農民工子女得不到教育2010315日。

2 中國有1260萬農民工子女《中國日報》201295日。

3 Isabelle Attané, op.cit., p.182.

4 上千萬農民工子女得不到教育衛報》,2010315中國被建議成立國家留守兒童委員會新華社2008年月9日。

5同上中國日報201295日。

6同上中國勞工通訊2009年。

7同上中國日報201295日。

8胡碧穎森特裘蒂絲中國農民工子女教育挑戰與前景《幼稚教育》37卷第6477-482頁。

9同上中國日報201297日。

10同上中國勞工通訊2009年。

11李丹柯曾滿超,中國農村教育的家庭決策與性別不平等,《國際中國研究雜誌》,第1卷第2期,2003年,224-248頁;譚琳宋月萍,性別是否影響?理解中國當前義務教育不公平,《亞洲兒童性別歧視》,本地治理,全印出版社,207-224頁;MONTEIL, Amandine, “Éducation : la longue marche des Chinoises”, in Chinoises au XXIe siècle. Ruptures et Continuités, Marylène Lieber et Tania Angeloff (eds), Paris, La Découverte, 2012, pp.43-62.

12《企業公民在中國的重大突破》安利官方網站201166日。

13來源安利公益基金會

http://www.amwayfoundation.org/en/cf_intro.html

14來源安利公益基金會

http://www.amwayfoundation.org/en/cf_mission.html

15來源安利公益基金會http://www.amwayfoundation.org/en/cf_xiangmujieshao.html

16來源安利公益基金會http://www.amwayfoundation.org/en/cf_xiangmujieshao2.html

17來源安利公益基金會http://www.amwayfoundation.org/en/cf_xiangmujieshao1.html

週六, 01 八月 2015 17:52

企業社會責任與中國系列評論【二】

企業社會責任與中國系列評論

佛教思想與中國企業社會責任

撰文│魏明德

攝影│月牙佛寺普渡法會•上海

佛教為中國提供文化資源至少就潛在層面而言,它促使中國內部發展企業社會責任具有相當重要的意義。

兩千多年以來,佛教教義給予一代代中國官員和企業家無數啟發,激勵他們投身於慈善志業。基於對佛教義理的依循,蘇東坡要求地方官員全力抵禦荒,因為飢荒導致當地人棄養子女軾向在密州,遇饑年,民多棄子,因盤量勸誘米,得出剩數百石別儲之,專以收養棄兒,月給六斗。比期年,養者與兒,皆有父母之愛,遂不失所,所活亦數十人。」(註1)

然而,佛教在中國經常受到批評的原因,在於不著重引導身處權勢階級或富貴階層的個人反思自身決定和行為的根本之道,而多強調人們對寺廟或慈善機構款所立下的功德。直到今日,眾多中國企業家依舊將款視為求取報的迴向,較少反思本身在個人層面專業領域中所實踐的行為,而且較少積極主動出面承擔企業責任。不過,他們捐助資金確實形成國家、企業和非政府組織之間不斷變化的複雜關係。(2)

不過,今日佛教煥然一新:隨著佛教全球化及城市化的進展,佛教對高教育階層宣化教義過程中,不斷地自我提升化。因此,今日佛教的新面貌有助於推動企業社會責任的價值實踐。以下我們的引言偏向理論層面,但其論述的價值觀確實中國佛教知識信徒關心的主題,同時信仰佛教而具社會地位的世俗追隨者也越來越關注類似的價值

對於企業社會責任來說,積極行善避免作惡是重大課題,使如此尚無法終止人的苦難()企業社會責任模式若要做到意義深厚且運作良好,端視的關鍵要素即是消除我執。根據四聖諦的道理,苦難須從根源上予以消除。()消除我執」即是消除對自我的執著以及對感官愉悅的貪婪。沒有執著與貪婪,人們對地位的野心,以及過當消耗物質的需求將會煙消雲散。

一旦我們能消除不當的野心和過度的物慾,人們就不會將追求利潤最大化或生產力最大化視為必要。當人們不再汲汲營營追求物質財富和生產,過度資源開發也將停某些人士停止過度消耗資源,意謂著他人較能多獲取必需品的基本管道,如此將降低負面影響,諸如資源浪費與污染。()個體節制自我,不耽溺於對自我的癡迷,苦難可被消除。()對群體而言,個人的我執越小,整個世界的未來更美好。(3)

此外,佛教為東亞各國和文化提供共的精神土壤。佛教資源的動用滋養企業社會責任價值觀和實踐,幫助中國的企業家在境內的環境中穩健發展。中國大陸境外經營的企業公司開啟海外積極重視佛教信佛教傳統的道路,香港何鴻毅家族基金即是當代佛教慈善團體的一例。(4)

然而,對於具有中國特色的企業社會責任模式的蓬勃發展佛教的向度並沒有真正盡到貢獻,我們不能忽略不提。過去五到十年中,企業社會責任的規定實踐以及教學教材等等進展飛速,而佛教教義以及佛教組織並沒有在此一過程中扮演主導力量佛教界最主要貢獻在於彙集企業家慈善事業的力量,尤其救濟災難

在此,我們就救濟災難貢獻進一步討論。它傳達的訊息大眾以為企業對整體社會的責任就是施捨財物甚至以為對其他個人的首要責任也是如此,而非步步落實規劃,為社會更大的善事承擔必要責任

再者多數佛教基金會較少來自企業的創舉,大多是由寺廟設立或管理。相之下,儘管儒家展現家長式的行事作風,強調附屬關係以及地域差,但對企業責任的社會層面具有更系統性的影響對中國整體社會而言,「基督教信徒老闆和基督教教義重要性雖然相對微弱,但地方的影響相當活躍。(5)換句話說,我們的觀察印證安德瑞(André Laliberté)佛教慈善事業當今影響力的論述,亦即佛教徒對社會服務的本質缺乏共識對世俗信眾的行善缺乏持續性質、系統性質的教導最終導致佛教成為一股保守的力量,無利於社會變革。(6)

無論如何,佛教慈善事業成長快速,而且獲得引人注目的發展。然而,這並不表示佛教教義深刻地為人所熟知,或者勇於面對中國社會層面的變化召喚新的現世佛教意味著佛教必須正視二十一世紀中國在環境、公共倫理觀和公民等向度的各項難題與挑戰。

註釋

1 SU, Dongpo (2008), Selected Poems and Prose, Lin Yutang Chinese-English Bilingual Edition, Taipei, Cheng Chung, pp.68-69.

2参见LALIBERTE, André., WU Keping and PALMER, David  (2011), "Social Services, Philanthropy and Religion in Chinese Society", Chinese Religious Life, edited by David Palmer, Glenn Shive and Philip Wickeri, Oxford University Press, 2011, pp. 139-154; LALIBERTE, André (2009), "Entre désécularisation et resacralisation: Bouddhistes laïcs, temples et organisations philanthropiques en Chine", Social Compass, 56(3), Septembre 2009, pp. 345-361.

3 KRAISORNSUTHASINEE, Suthisak (2012),"CSR through the heart of the Bodhi tree", Social Responsibility Journal, 8 (2), pp. 186-198.

4 2005年,何鴻毅在香港獨慈善組織——何鴻毅家族基金,該慈善團體致力於向全球推廣中國文化和佛教思想,並發起一系列中國和海外資助專案網站參見http://www.rhfamilyfoundation.org/#!/about/, 20131210

5 參閱CAO, N. (2008), “Boss Christians: The Business of Religion in the 'Wenzhou Model' of Christian Revival”, The China Journal, 59, pp.63-87.

6 André Laliberté (2012), “Buddhist Charities and China’s Social Policy: An Opportunity for Alternate Civility?’, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 2012/2 (n° 158), pp.95-117.

CSR in China : Interview of Benoît Vermander (Calumet Rountable, USA, November 2015)

週五, 03 七月 2015 21:21

企業社會責任與中國系列評論【一】

 

企業社會責任與中國系列評論

 

企業社會責任中國文化觀的調節

 

撰文魏明德

攝影│沈秀臻上海

不管是中國或是國外企業家們經感嘆,當他們試圖在組織內部灌輸個人責任和企業責任時遭逢種種困難。然而,從中國媒體網際網路的討論或是日常對話中,我們可觀察出大眾對中國社會,尤其是企業界推展企業社會責任的能力感到懷疑的相關表達,亦即重視民眾的共同福祉長期省思能力,以及負責任的行為等等表現。當然,其中不乏修辭的對峙,但在推動企業社會責任時,每個國家確實存在文化面的阻礙,使得企業社會責任始終處於不斷完善的進程之中。不過,當我們談論到企業社會責任感與公信力時,學術研究似乎對於中國主流文化的精神特質有所苛責。

舉例而言,根據一份全球性的調查報告指出,集體精神講究圈內人的文化特質,以及強調權力距離(兩者普遍存在於中國),皆被認為是不利於培育企業社會責任為基底的價值觀。

當社會上充滿強烈信念,認為人與人之間具有權力架構的距離時,位居高層且握有權力的經理或許在做決策的時候相對以自我為中心,缺乏對股東業主的關注,缺乏對廣泛相關利益者的關心,同時缺乏對社區社會的整體考量。因此,在這樣的社會型態裡,將出現較多管理者運用權力掌控的趨勢,高於對各界人士的考量這些研究成果使得宣導企業社會責任的全球人士感到憂心,他們指出權力距離的價值觀在管理者決策過程中構成主導的文化變數,尤其會忽視企業社會責任中的利益相關者。根據我們的研究結果傳達的訊息,身在較為強調權力距離價值的文化背景中的管理者,將降低對利益相關者的辨識與關注,諸如員工環保主義者以及顧客。(1)

企業社會責任在中國的履行顯示出重要。首先,由於中國政府經濟面勢不可擋的影響力,企業界最善盡社會責任的企業公司多以政府為導向。其次,經濟責任企業公司為首要的社會責任,因為經濟建設是政府和國家的重大目標。()在經濟方面,中國的前強企業關注營業額或利潤以及交給國家的獲益和所得,卻少注意勞資關係。在法律方面,重點在於產品或服務的安全。在公共倫理層面,企業公司強調節能,而少注意自律宣導以及志願政策。在慈善事業方面,給受災群眾的捐助最受重視,而為殘疾人捐助則最不受重視。()利益相關者最關心的問題是營業額或利潤(股東)交給政府的獲益和所得(政府)改善產品和服務()重視與供商和合夥人的關係(供應商或合夥人),以及薪資和福利(職員)(2)

這些研究結果與其他近似的報告確實共同彰顯出影響當代中國接受、理解和履行企業社會責任文化和社會因素()國家角色持提升()獲利和經濟成長至上,並與其他迫切的議題存有潛在矛盾()短期關注優先於永續發展議題。同時,政策管轄的範疇強調安全,關注能源消耗社會和諧,逐步形成務實企業社會責任文化的發展。儘管些政策的構思與制定針對解決某些面臨的根本問題,但是它們還是有助於推行某種國家主權色彩的資本主義,朝向特定企業社會責任文化的建立(3)

我們在此強調,雖然中國歷史形成一些不利於落實企業社會責任的文化特徵,但是今日卻保留其他顯著的文化特質,它們是滋養推動企業責任文化的有利因素它們具有全球性的視野,同時透過中國特有的資源形塑而成。

  • 我們強調的第一個文化特色是領土,由中國道家和其他文化傳統拓展而成,至今依然是生氣蓬勃的文化特色地域領土象徵人的歸屬(例如村莊鄰里或工作單位),並被視為一個有生命的個體。的隱喻是中國世界觀的核心概念。每處地域都是有生命的個體,而對中國傳統醫學來說,身體也被視為一處有氣息的地域。形塑身體的和空間意義上的」,我們必須對兩者有所理解與掌握。中國視每一方空間都居住著氣,氣支撐著我們,因此我們也應該予以善待。( 4)中國是由數不盡的小宇宙組合而成。藉由巷弄的架設,圍繞著棋盤式的通道,或是安身的密閉空間,人們重構空間感,生命受到滋養與培育。宇宙成為人居的真實存在,庇護著男性,女性以及孩童,他們透過屬於自己的空間與風潮共享並管理著寰宇。如此體會居住空間的方式使我們得以寓居大地。對於既定地域領土的依戀感,以及形塑地域領土」的感知,顯而易見於眾多中國企業家面對身處土生土長的出生地或是工作環境的起源地所展現的行為,他們在上述環境裡扮演承擔的重要角色。這樣的空間意識停留在定義參考基準空間的範圍內,而且員工在公司範圍內約略展現同樣的行為方式。由此觀之,今日中國企業家決策者以及社會領袖所面臨的問題即是如何動用幫助整個社會達致新調節意識的資源,以調節支配小型社區大型社區以及大自然之間三者的關係。他們面對的挑戰在於如何務實地重新評估與詮釋能夠幫助他們完成任務的傳統要素。
  • 由此觀之,和諧」是能平衡不同利益與聲音的工具,因此人們重視和諧的概念。在中國思想裡,和諧始終是一個核心概念。二十世紀九十年代以來,中國強調和合文化(和諧與合作的文化),即是試圖調節中國傳統社會思想和今日現實真相之間的落差。如此的社會工程並非易事。凡是想要引用傳統和諧的觀念的人必定遭逢一個問題:和諧觀念適用於權力階層分布明確的同質性社會,而且對外來影響掌有切確的控制權。不管在中國或是別處,當代社會的特色是流動性國際化思維與行為規範恆常的多樣化,同時人與人之間經濟面文化面的互動不斷地增長。在這樣的背景下,如果和諧的觀念要繼續被引用的話,它指的應該不是回歸過去的狀態(此舉全然不可行),而是透過多樣性、矛盾和交流的過程中實踐嶄新的社會理想。
  • 除了重新思索中國傳統思想裡和諧」觀的範疇,另外值得我們重新詮釋的概念是的範疇。在此,我們遇到一個難題:不管是知識份子還是普羅大眾,對許多中國人來說,實現志業似乎與的落實存在矛盾,至少當我們理解的社會意涵時即有這樣的體悟:中國的哲學傳統對義人推崇備至,尤其是儒家。然而,道家存在另一個相關的核心概念,甚至是儒家傳統或是法家傳統也是如此:平等平等首先是一個本體論概念,指的是萬物生靈的本性皆平等,此一概念由佛教思想進一步拓展和強化。平等」同樣是一個存在概念,與簡單質樸節儉等概念息息相關。早期儒生主張人人具有平等的潛能,因而推動不立基於階級差別的教育。法家思想家韓非子提出法律之前的平等思想,唯有統治者除外。(5)社區價值提出朝向質樸與平等的呼喚——這樣的呼喚在今日中國的各個領域迴盪。
  • 另一個需要考量的調整概念是多樣性為了爭取民眾耕作的最大利益,簡化生態體系,國家和社會正逐步侵蝕中國的多樣性。幾世紀以來,中國失去了大量的生態緩衝地森林濕地和荒地。」(註6)值得我們警覺的是,生態多樣性以及思想多樣性兩者形影相隨。當人們推行單一發展模式,景觀變得單一化。文化多樣性與生態多樣性齊步同行,在中國也是如此,因為當獨特的文化與發展模式都能受到尊重時,人與大自然之間也將容納多樣化的連結途徑。提高文化多樣性的呼求在中國社會的諸多領域覓得回音,尤其是在西部開發模式的論辨中得到迴響,由此維護西部獨特資源。
  • 「社區價值構成人們定義永續發展模式的另一個基本向度,它確實也是近似中國傳統精神的向度。今日,我們面臨的挑戰,在於如何將社區價值作為評估工具,來構思輔助諸多發展模式。將社區發展相結合,也就是社區價值的思維有助於我們從各種角度的觀點評估既定項目的成本與費用在規劃灌溉運輸或工業發展等計畫時,我們懂得網羅地方居民的智慧。經由溝通和議價的過程,人們將提高對生態問題的關注。

傳達企業社會責任與永續發展作為優先的理念,上海浦發銀行選擇綠色幸福 責任三個來同時闡釋國家十二五規劃和中國的傳統價值觀。儘管落實上的度顯著,但浦發銀行的報告顯示出該企業高度重視人的價值,關注普通人、弱勢群體、邊緣群體的意願,並且讓我們確信唯透過互照顧共同分享的公共倫理觀,我們方能重新思考一個人的價值觀、行事方式和行事的優先順序如此方能説明一間企業公司成為全球化、永續發展的行動者(7)浦發銀行的事例一種轉變顯示在永續發展必要理念基礎上,傳統中國和現代中國最終可以調和為一

最近一項研究根據中國執行長(CEO)的訪談為基底,同時也確認當中國企業家被問及自身對企業社會責任的理解時,中國企業家確切表達最關心的三項議題:重視良好的信念,提供就業機會,為社會的穩定貢獻心力。他們的關切無法完全取代西方研究企業社會責任的取徑,但可以為之添加與補充。(8)相較之下,中國執行長與美國執行長不同的地方在於:中國的企業管理者偏向認同傳統股東的觀點,認為效率和企業的生存至上,高於付諸公共道德責任和社會責任的行動,而且股東的利益甚於任何考慮。另一方面,他們相當贊同並主張企業的社會責任高於獲利。他們更堅定贊同以下的論述:對於企業長期獲利和生存,公共道德責任和社會責任是不可或缺的要素。()然而,他們卻較少能認知到社會責任和獲利能夠一舉兩得。(9)

總之,傳統和文化的敏銳度能夠與企業社會責任的風格和實踐相互整合,前提是規則與原理必須得到明確闡述,而且人們務必遵守法律社會和公共倫理所制定的準則和規範。若我們對議題都能夠地開誠布公,而且訴諸開放討論,人們對於文化特色的辨別能力將處引導地位,而不僅於被動承受。

註釋

1 WALDMAN, David A., et al., (2012), “Cultural and Leadership Predictors of Corporate Social Responsibility Values of Top Management: A GLOBE Study of 15 Countries”, Journal of International Business Studies, 37 (6), p.834.

2 GAO, Yongqiang (2009), “Corporate Social Performance in China: Evidence from Large Companies”, Journal of Business Ethics, 89 (1), pp. 26, 30, 31.

3 AGLIETTA, Michel and BAI, Guo (2013), China's Development: Capitalism and Empire, New York, Routledge.

4關於此一主題的相關資源,請參見 LAGERWEY, John (2010), China, A Religious State, Hong Kong, Hong Kong U.P.

5 BAI Tongdong (2012), China: The Political Philosophy of the Middle Kingdom, London, New York, Zed Books, p.24. 也見pp.60-64.

6 McNEILL J.R. (1998) “China’s Environmental History in World Perspective”, in Elvin M. & Liu T.J. (Eds.), Sediments of Time, Cambridge U.P., Cambridge, p.35.

7浦發銀行,《企業社會責任報告》,2010.

8 XU Shangkun, YANG Xulai (2010), “Indigenous Characteristics of Chinese Corporate Social Responsibility Conceptual Paradigm”, Journal of Business Ethics, 93(2), pp.321–333.

9 SHAFER William E., FUKUKAWA Kyoko, LEE Grace Meina (2007), “Values and the Perceived importance of Ethics and Social Responsibility: The US versus China’, Journal of Business Ethics, 70(3), pp.278-279.

CSR in China : Interview of Benoît Vermander (Calumet Rountable, USA, November 2015)

週一, 22 六月 2015 16:13

'The Mass on the World' by Teilhard de Chardin

It was in the desert of Ordos that Teilhard wrote one of his great mystical texts: 'The Mass on the World' (La Messe sur le monde). Without bread and wine, he couldn't celebrate mass everyday, as he was accustomed to doing. So it was the high plateau which became his altar, and all the matter in the universe that became his offering to God:

It is done.

Once again the Fire has penetrated the earth.

Not with sudden crash of thunderbolt, riving the mountain-tops: does the Master break down doors to enter his own home? Without earthquake, or thunderclap: the flame has lit up the whole world from within. All things individually and collectively are penetrated and flooded by it, from the inmost core of the tiniest atom to the mighty sweep of the most universal laws of being: so naturally has it flooded every element, every energy, every connecting-link in the unity of our cosmos; that one might suppose the cosmos to have burst spontaneously into flame.

In the new humanity which is begotten today the Word prolongs the unending act of his own birth; and by virtue of his immersion in the world's womb the great waters of the kingdom of matter have, without even a ripple, been endued with life. No visible tremor marks this inexpressible transformation; and yet, mysteriously and in very truth, at the touch of the supersubstantial Word the immense host which is the universe is made flesh. Through your own incarnation, my God, all matter is henceforth incarnate.

Through our thoughts and our human experiences, we long ago became aware of the strange properties which make the universe so like our flesh:

like the flesh it attracts us by the charm which lies in the mystery of its curves and folds and in the depths of its eyes;

like the flesh it disintegrates and eludes us when submitted to our analyses or to our failings off and in the process of its own perdurance;

as with the flesh, it can only be embraced in the endless reaching out to attain what lies beyond the confines of what has been given to us.

Watch an excerpt of the documentary Teilhard and China, produced by the Taipei Ricci Institute and the Xu-Ricci Dialogue Institute at Fudan University (more info here).

週六, 02 五 2015 10:42

大洋之人:甘易逢與海洋性情

甘易逢一輩子都在追尋人類傾注於不同靈修體驗交流中的共鳴與會遇,而他漸次雕築而成的靈修風格具有海洋調性。對甘易逢來說,海洋與神性的浩瀚感彼此揭示,相互闡明。

撰文|魏明德      攝影笨篤索羅門群島

台北利氏學社創辦者甘易逢(Yves Raguin, 1912-1998)是研究基督宗教、佛教、儒家思想與道教等靈修思想的專家,影響力遍及亞洲、太平洋區域以及其他各大洲。甘易逢的旅行穿越各個空間,與他相逢的人基於多元種族、宗教與文化,這些點滴都融入他的思想與靈修觀中。在此我們側重以「海洋性情(oceanic feeling)描述他與神對話的靈修體驗藉此我們更能敏銳感受甘易逢的靈修性格。

太平洋夜航的靈修經驗

甘易逢曾在巴黎研讀神學,也在哈佛大學攻讀漢學,曾經拜訪過中國、越南、菲律賓,他一生大半的生涯都居住在台灣。他的作品創作量豐富,專注於比較靈修學的研究,也是字彙專家,長年推動《利氏漢法辭典》的計畫──世界最大型的雙語辭典,他同時也是一位受世人鍾愛的靈修導師。

甘易逢出生於法國。雖然是法國籍人士,他與太平洋世界持有一份親密性。他在越南與台灣長期居住使得他成為亞太地區的一份子,而且他曾指導避靜的靈修體驗並授課,地區擴及菲律賓、加拿大以及巴布亞紐幾內亞 (Papua New Guinea)。他曾經在自己撰寫的一本書中,提及一次飛越過太平洋夜航的靈修體驗:在兩個多小時的時光中,在太平洋上短暫的夜色航行,我看到自我意識的終極深度,但在我的自我意識內見到另一個意識,後者顯得更為深徹。我不能接觸這另一個意識,如同我接觸自我意識那麼清楚,在我內我還是能接觸這另一個意識,它呼喚我,朝向它而去。」穿越太平洋海面的夜航體驗架設出密契經驗顯現的時空。

人類修行的計算機

甘易逢一輩子都在追尋人類傾注於不同靈修體驗交流中的共鳴與會遇,而他漸次雕築而成的靈修風格具有海洋調性。我和甘易逢工作過數年,我仍記得他在過世前某一天對我短暫談起,他多麽盼望中國靈修資源能夠完全整合至人類修行的計算機。甘易逢一輩子都使用打字機,從來沒有上網使用過網際網路。他對計算機的理解只有一個簡要的概念,但他早已知曉他使用修行計算機這個隱喻的重點所在:計算機處理大量輸入的資料,並將之整合入一個整體網絡,資料與資料之間的連結向四方通達。

靈修計算機是個强而有力的隱喻。不管對個人層面或是團體向度全然相通,我們透過計算機處理的訊息,不斷地擴建我們的知識網絡。假設真的存在人類靈修計算機這樣的機器,那麽這樣的機器將由什麼要件構成?它的第一個基本的組成要件想當然爾必定是我們的個人體驗,以及我們試圖表達靈修體驗的方式。第二個基本要件受到深刻的相遇雕築而成,奠基於信實、謙和,相互尊重的基礎,透過機運或是奇蹟,在懂得傾聽與暢談的人們之間發生。第三個要件:我們時而被我們不曾謀面的字句與義理所感動,雖然因為時空的距離無法認識作者,但是作者的追尋奇異地與我們內心深處產生共鳴。從某種程度上看,我們可以說這位作者是我們靈修之父或是靈修之母。靈修連結如此一代傳承一代,創拓一個團結而且成長的凝聚團體,超越歲月與文化的差異。

編結人類群體的織布

靈修者不斷奮鬥,忠實地前往向他們隱蔽地喚呼的絕對者,如此的靈修者將會懂得在交會或是交流時互相承認對方。往往,靈修者建立的靈修友誼僅僅是短暫獨次交會的亮光,但這樣的亮光却在自己的下半輩子留下良性且令人雀躍的回憶。有時,靈修友誼相互交織而且發展出幾年的情誼,身當對方的夥伴,提供無可匹敵的後盾。靈修情誼的表達需要時間醞釀,無庸置疑地是靈修計算機中不可或缺的組件。

在特定背景下,特定人士傳達的內容若沒有受到活躍的靈修傳統所肯定、滋養與豐厚,靈修探索極可能隨著時間消逝,與科學真理迥然不同。人類的靈修追尋整體上來說經歷著高峰與低潮。不管處於什麽樣的時期,靈修探索都必須再次啓航。靈修探索總是需要回到重新開機的原點。朝聖者若是幸運的話,將在靈修路上尋覓到大師與前輩。有時,靈修者的努力受到文化與社會的强烈排擠,而必須挺身奮戰。這樣的靈修苦路格外艱辛且遙迢。然而,不管個人的靈修探尋顯得如何謙沖與低調,它都對國際社會貢獻出卓絕的重要性。靈修者的盡心付出編結出人類群體共同探索的織布。沒有一個人能夠事先預測這一塊織布的最後形體與色彩。但織線的組成方式由無形的計算機不斷地處理當中。

專注於事物的奧祕

關於靈修生活的修持原則,甘易逢重視靈修生活中的注意力──專注。在《靜觀與默坐》一書中,他如此敘述:

靜觀並非專注於超越現今世界的事物,而是向專注於現今世界事物的本貌。萬事萬物都持有一份奧祕,我們對這些事物多一份知識上的通曉,我們對萬事萬物內在奧祕的深度就會多一份理解。()若我實踐儒家思想中所說的格物,我將面對萬物的奧祕,我將立刻被携入一種靜觀之中。具體意識到萬事萬物的主要本性將我置入一份靜謐當中,並面對本的奧祕。這即是實相的本質,連科學也無法企及。這樣內在而深刻的態度可藉由兩個詞語傳述,即是伴隨萬事萬物『從容』、『靜寂』的存在狀態,也是世界各地充滿智慧的男男女女所追求的心法。

此外,他同時這麽陳述:

祈禱無異於一種單純的體悟,一開始時可能覺得無比痛苦。(靈魂)感覺到與自身的正常活動切斷關連,而且也失去與自我原本的聯繫。那幾乎感覺不到的臨在逼使靈魂進入深沉的孤寂中。除了領引靈修者注意的臨在,靈修者感受不到其他外在的支援。

筆者認為專注於事物的奧祕在甘易逢靈修觀的推展中扮演重要的角色,足以說明甘易逢的靈修觀涵括多面向的傳統,而且向所謂的海洋性情開放。在此,筆者僅以下面的段落來陳述甘易逢的靈修觀與海洋性情之間的關連。

人類內在寬廣無垠的海洋

所有的海洋生態體系都處於恒常的潮汐之中,受到外來輸入的影響,受到短期風暴的侵襲,以及季節性洋流的拜訪。居住在海岸圍繞環境中的居民必定與居住在平原、高原或是高山上的居民有著不同的世界觀。無常或是不可預期的變化因素使得人們對於神性存在的再現抱持著遠觀的距離,而且認為神性的行為難以預測。伴隨環境而來的不確定感激勵著居民做出有彈性的對應策略,而不是堅持綫性思考。太平洋世界涵蓋全球表面最大的地表面積,而且占據著全球百分之八十的島嶼,有什麽比太平洋世界更真實的洲陸呢?

在太平洋世界中,海洋就是洲陸:海洋構成了各種生活型態的自然環境,同時也是海島居民的溝通媒介……詩人艾培力郝歐法(Epeli Hau'ofa,1939-2009)論及島嶼之洋,他認為大洋凝聚一切而不是分割各島,海洋是充滿閱歷的故事:在海岸出生者在海洋中移動與呼吸,宛如鹽在海中一般自然,或是血液在肉身當中奔流一般自如。沒錯,寬廣無垠的海洋同樣居住在人類肉身內在的限度當中,島民透過登船踏浪尋找其他島民的方式探訪自身的內在旅程。

這一切讓我們想起作家羅曼.羅蘭(Romain Rolland)在與佛洛依德(Freud)的通信中所稱謂的海洋性情。透過這樣的表達詞語,羅曼.羅蘭試圖捕捉超越所有宗教信仰結構中令人悸動的無窮無盡的感覺。今日,羅曼.羅蘭稱謂的海洋性情已經變成宗教心理學發展史中的一項註腳。當時佛洛依德並不贊賞,他寫信給羅曼.羅蘭說道:你倡議的字句令我感到陌生。神祕事物對我來說像音樂一樣難以接近。羅曼.羅蘭回答道:我很難相信密契主義和音樂對您來說感到陌生。我寧可認為您害怕它們,因爲您期望的是讓批判理性工具毫無瑕疵。

若我們依照羅曼.羅蘭的觀點再往前推進,我們可以說凡是經由專注走進萬事萬物本貌中的奧祕的人們,靈魂中終極奧祕的臨在就恍如是海浪勝利的潮聲般展現──恍如說明兩件事:第一件事,它論及靈修體驗的普遍特質;第二件事,它承認沒有任何比喻能夠勝過奧祕在人類深處顯現的方式。海洋性情幫助我們理解喜樂如何在我們靈魂中誕生,總是宛如新生的事物。喜樂為我們內在的幽深處帶來白晝的亮光,同時被永恒且新生的波濤律動所歌頌與喚呼,波浪的節奏用顫動且堅定的手指在沙岸上刻印、抹滅書寫的字句。最終,海洋性情讓我們瞥見靈魂深處中神性誕生的奧祕:這是一份神賜的禮物,恆久而且永遠新生。

大洋上破曉的感受

大洋的體驗對甘易逢來說呈現多樣的型態。在很長的一段時間中,這樣的感受是透過體驗沙漠而得到靈修成果,沙漠的體驗長駐在他的生活之中。他將早期的著作──《神的荒漠(God’s Deserts)的內容分贈給許多友人,法文版現已集結出版,其中傳達的正是西方古典的靈修風格,以下的叙述讓我們想及大洋上破曉的感受:

我的上主,我讓夜色將我淹沒,我感覺它正當地曼延而至我的骨骼裡面,我的骨髓裡面,我的心腑裡面,我的靈魂裡面,以及我內在的神祕之地,也就是來到您存在的邊疆。我喜愛而且想望夜色與沙漠,因為我知道它們是您臨在的地域。我甚至期待它們能夠摧毀我對『人類的光』、『智力的光』的見解,以及我期待『人類友誼的溫暖與愛的溫暖』的方式。我的身體中充滿的想望尚未死去,我的心腑,我的精神,我的靈魂中所充滿的想望也尚未死去。我喚呼沙漠與夜色來到我身邊。它們强力地環繞著我,激烈地緊緊地摟住我,同時踏進我內心最深處,於是我變成夜色塊狀物,身在鋼鐵般的孤寂中。您知道,我的上主,在夜晚與沙漠的厚度中,幽深開始閃亮,荒地開始有人居住。從黑夜最厚實的幽深中,首度有微小而細弱到幾乎難以察覺的某物出現。它柔弱且脆弱,是關於信仰的某種事物,而非精神的覺知。它如此飄逸空靈,僅僅一道呼吸聲或是一個念頭就會毀壞了它。無動、無生,而且無念,我面對著您臨在的微光。夜晚的堅硬表面見不到任何倒影,但是夜色本身變成難以察覺的亮光。上主,我知道這是辨認您臨在的信號,我靜默地駐足,沒有任何動作,而在我的靈魂中,夜色亮光的返照再次新穎地閃動。

浩瀚無邊與飽滿空性

靈魂充塞著海洋的浩瀚感只能透過對比詞組表達。我們再度引用甘易逢在《神的沙漠》中所撰寫的內容:

無垠感可被解讀為空性或是滿全……這兩個詞語相互調諧。神性的浩瀚無邊似乎在難以衡量的向度中呈現飽滿的空性。然而,這樣的空性讓我們瞥見滿全的深度。只有人們保有與絕對者之間的關係以及承認自身無力全面理解且捕捉絕對者時,空性方是實有。絕對者對我來說顯示出一種空性,這件事實將是明確的證據,證明我正和絕對者接觸,而非與虛空來往。若我用其他方法捕捉絕對者,那麽我捕捉到的絕非是絕對者。

自身真正被喚呼的我在

隨著歲月的增長,甘易逢的體驗不管在風格上或是性質上也都隨之轉化。一九七九年二月,甘易逢在靈修日記如此寫道:

我內在的存有受到啟化,一種親密的輕柔感叩進我心坎。它宛如一絲柔情,盤據著我也吸引著我,但並不奪取我心中的人性。相反地,它宛如在我裡面常地落實某種新的化身成人。()一月五日,我從巴黎出發,而後在泰國與巴布亞紐幾內亞帶信徒避靜。現在我人在菲律賓,再過幾個禮拜,我將重回台灣。我只能說聲感謝,從六月啟程環繞世界的旅程中,感謝上主對我顯示的愛。每件事物看起來愈見簡潔。上主的愛要求我自己忠於我自己,並讓祂在我內忠於祂。

這個段落表面看似簡單,但是它向意義的深度開放:西方如此特定的密契靈修傳統,從聖伯爾納鐸(St Bernard)艾克哈特(Meister Eckardt)與聖依納爵 (St Ignatius)銜接而來的靈修調性,藉由簡化純化的作用,不僅與人們稱謂著的東方靈修學相互連結,而且與不同語言、習俗以及環境中活躍的靈修體驗相互應合,某種程度上儼然已經全球化。這裡論及的體驗是關於一個人身在特定的傳統與喚呼聲中,如何理解自身真正被喚呼的我在,如何讓一個人的獨特性變成具有創意的沃土,藉此其他人將能夠透過同樣的方式肯定自身被喚呼的我在。普遍性不是本質,寧可說是一個過程,人們經由具創造力的忠實度而覺醒,彰顯我從哪裡的來處以及我被喚呼的去處。甘易逢毫無倦意穿越的海洋確實是神性寬廣無邊的顯露,不但滿全而且虛空,同時居住在我們有限的內心深處。甘易逢穿越的大洋同時也是人類靈修經驗顯露多樣性格外出色的翰海,就像島嶼散落在未知的海洋上。對甘易逢來說,海洋與神性的浩瀚感彼此揭示,相互闡明。

週三, 17 九月 2014 00:00

開學典禮致詞:給大一新生的祝福


這是我送給哲學院大一新生的祝福,同時也送給所有各學院的大一新生。衷心希望新的知識能夠在未來的日子裡,為各位培育開放態度,同時讓大家深具膽識,成為不畏懼不退卻的知識份子。請帶著喜悅的心與自信踏出探索的腳步。

各位老師,各位同學,大家好!

在場各位新生或許覺得奇怪,為什麼哲學院請一位說著法國口音的外籍教授,在開學典禮為大家致詞。但是,這正展現哲學院的開放精神與國際視角。一開始,在開學典禮,我們就給各位新的挑戰!

1977年,當我在法國參加新生開學典禮時,如果那時能有一位中國籍教授為我們致詞,我一定會讚歎不已,雖然那時我不太能夠聽得懂中國人講法語的口音。但是,在1977年,人們活在各自區隔的世界。大家要相信,今日我們生存的世界給予我們前所未見的運氣,那就是我們可以透過交流的方式學習各種文化,認識各種不同環境背景的人,為自己灌注不同的泉源。這是歷史美妙的進步。然而,這樣的進步也隱藏脆弱的一面。從歷史的發展來看,開放與封閉經常相互交錯前行。未來四年,各位將拓展批判精神,培養開放態度,融會貫通學習的知識,鍛煉語言能力,同時善用上天的贈禮,也就是對他人抱持善意與瞭解。衷心希望新的知識能夠在未來的日子裡,為各位培育開放態度,同時讓大家深具膽識,成為不畏懼不退卻的知識份子。

或許,大家對於新的世界還有一點點恐懼,我在這裡為各位建立信心。2009年秋天,當我第一次進入哲學院教書時,我也有一點點害怕。哲學院將如何迎接我?事實上,我在這裡找到友誼,充滿好奇以及懂得聆聽的心。我找到對話的空間與自我的個人成長。對於熱情的接待與開放的新機會,我永遠感謝哲學院的同事與學生。

同時,我也向各位保證:在修研哲學的領域中,請帶著喜悅的心與自信踏出你們的腳步。請先不要想著考試、分數、同儕之間的競爭,或是你們投射給外界的影像。請想想這是多麼難得的運氣,大家能夠進入這樣的學科,學習如何思考,如同自由且負責的人。想想圍繞著你們的教授與同學,與你們分享同樣的提問,與你們繼續探索,這也是人們自開天闢地以來在各種不同的思維表達中不斷的探求,不論是中國思想、印度思想、西方思想,或是非洲思想、拉丁美洲思想等等。身為哲學院的學生,在漫漫的歷史長河中前進,我們透過自己的方式重新提問,而人類將越來越意識到本身的核心,因為人類雕塑著共同的命運。

希望我不會離題太遠。我傳遞的訊息相當簡單:那就是請大家愉悅地探索哲學院,愉悅地渡過四年的時光,隨著你們一步一步往前走,未來在你們面前的道路將更加美好。祝福大家。

攝影│沈秀臻 學習如何思考,如同自由且負責的人。

週三, 17 九月 2014 00:00

La seconde vie du Grand Ricci


Fin août 2014, les Presses Commerciales de Pékin (l'une des plus grandes maisons d'édition chinoise, éditrice, entre autres, du Dictionnaire Xinhua - le dictionnaire le plus vendu au monde) ont sorti un volume de plus de 2000 pages, le « Dictionnaire Ricci Chinois-Français », une édition révisée et raccourcie du Grand Ricci , le dictionnaire publié en 2001 par les Instituts Ricci de Taipei et Paris, dont les droits ont depuis été confiés à « l'Association Ricci pour le grand dictionnaire français de la langue chinoise » . L'ouvrage devrait atteindre les librairies de Chine début octobre.

Depuis les premiers contacts entre les Instituts Ricci et les Presses commerciales (Shangwu), il aura fallu attendre quinze ans... Mais le délai était largement justifié : les Presses commerciales ont effectué un travail d'exception, qui fait de ce dictionnaire – et pour très longtemps – l'outil de référence lexicographique entre le chinois et le français. Le choix des expressions a été fait avec scrupule, les expressions douteuses ou fautives ont été corrigées, un choix éclairé de nouvelles expressions venues du chinois contemporain a été introduit sans pour autant affadir l'ancrage du Ricci dans l'histoire de la langue et de la pensée chinoises. Les traditions lexicographiques combinées des Presses Commerciales et des Ricci ont livré ensemble ce qu'elles avaient de meilleur... Ouvrant le dictionnaire, je me remémorais avec joie ma première visite dans le « temple » intimidant des Presses Commerciales en 1999 : Zhang Wenying, l'éditrice qui m'accueillait alors a finalement coordonné jusqu'au bout le projet. Entre tous les partenaires impliqués, la confiance et l'estime n'ont fait que croître au long des années.

L'origine du grand Ricci remonte au « Bureau d'étude sinologique » de Zikawei, à Shanghai, dans les années 1880, et au travail accompli par les sinologues jésuites français Léon Wieger et Séraphin Couvreur dans le Hebei à partir de la même époque. Il avait été repris notamment par les pères Eugen Zsamar, Yves Raguin, Jean Lefeuvre et Claude Larre après qu'ils avaient quitté la Chine. Il était grand temps que ce fruit de la sinologie jésuite « rentre » en Chine, et qu'il le fasse corrigé, mûri, porté à fruition par la meilleure institution lexicographique chinoise. La parution du « Ricci-Shangwu » n'est pas seulement un événement éditorial. Ancrée dans une longue histoire, elle est un signe fort de fidélité et d'espérance.

週五, 13 八月 2010 16:03

Is Asia Pacific? Interreligious conflicts, dialogue and inventiveness in today’s Asia

There is no need to underline the dizzying diversity of Asia’s religious landscape. I do not intend here to attempt even a preliminary sketch of the patchwork of faiths and traditions that extend from Pakistan to Japan… I just would like to point out some general trends that have emerged in the last two or three decades, trends that have been partly reshaping the setting of Asia’s religions. Also, I would like to reflect on the challenges that these trends are creating. Furthermore, I’d like to suggest a few possible answers that Christianity could articulate in response to current developments, provided that Christians wish indeed to become “peacemakers” as the Sermon on the Mount calls them to be. Such responses may also inspire the ones brought forward by other religions. In any case, interreligious dialogue in Asia has become an endeavor that no religion can escape from, not only for spiritual reasons but also in order to achieve the following goals: (a) progressing towards national and ethnic reconciliation (b) ensuring religious freedom and other civil rights (c) tackling global challenges (dialogue of civilizations, ecology, struggle against consumerism, development of a global ethic.)

Revivalism and Identity Crisis

Revivalism has become a predominant religious trend. The clearest example is provided by the new vitality found by Islam in Asia, as is also the case in other parts of the world. Such fact is of utmost importance: Indonesia is the most populated Muslim nation in the world; Bangladesh and Pakistan have overwhelming Muslim majorities, and Malaysia has also a Muslim majority, though not as pronounced; India has a strong Muslim minority; and Muslim populations are located on conflict-prone frontier regions in the Philippines, Thailand and China.

The point here is that such “vitality” - experienced with different feelings according to the standpoint of the observer - encompasses an array of very different phenomena that have to be carefully distinguished:

- A kind of revivalist atmosphere stressing both Islamic and ethnic pride on a background of post-colonial sensitivity and widespread religious education, affecting the consciousness of Muslim populations all around Asia.

- Marginal violent movements carrying attacks, movements often fostered by international networks.

- Pervasive political strategies trying to impose and enforce Islamic laws and Islamic state apparatus; such strategies threaten the fabric of the secular state (which was a feature of post-colonial Asia) or lead some states that from the start were not altogether secular to become openly theocratic.

- At the same time, it is important to note that, since 2001. Muslin communities often suffer from accrued hostility and prejudices, especially in countries where they are a minority - and these prejudices can reinforce violence and deviant behaviors. Some of these communities also suffer from disadvantageous social background and economic conditions.

A few additional remarks are in order:

- Among these trends, the third one might be the most preoccupying one. In history, such strategies have led to the annihilation/assimilation of populations living in Muslin societies and professing other faiths. Strategies vary according to the size of the proportion of the Muslim population and the overall political situation. A distinction is to be made between Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia on the one hand, and the other countries of the region where Muslims are a vocal minority, sometimes with complaints rooted into national history. At the same time, further comparison between Bangladesh and Pakistan for instance might help us to assess better the role of cultural or international factors in religious attitudes: Bangladesh prides itself of a spirit of tolerance and accommodation seemingly lacking in Pakistan. This opposition of style between two Moslem countries leads back to an array of cultural and political factors deeply anchored into the collective memory of the two protagonists.

- In countries with Muslim majority, Christians of tribal origin generally constitute the most vulnerable population when it comes to forced conversion and discrimination. At the same time, Christians who are social leaders because of their wealth, occupation or educational level are often at the frontline of ongoing confrontations (this is patent in Pakistan).

- Of course, besides the Islamic revival, other sources of concern exist, which strongly influence interreligious conflicts and cooperation on the continent as a whole: authoritarian States manipulative of religions or even of interreligious dialogue; revivalist political/religious currents and organizations that might go with the assertion of a “national’ religion (in a Buddhist context, the phenomenon can be observed in Sri-Lanka); materialism and consumerism as they are cutting off the very roots of interreligious dynamics and dialogue.

- With the exception of Vietnam maybe, one notes everywhere a strong growth of Protestantism, most of the time under a fundamentalist and proselytizing garb, which often exacerbates tensions already existing. Proselytism also characterizes new religions, which are in the rise in many countries. As a consequence of this increase of religious communalism, a country like China is much less “syncretistic” than in the past and, witnesses a new assertiveness of believers who are conscious of clear-cut confessional divisions.


bv_buddhist_temple_bkk_2010

In a Buddhist temple in Bangkok (July 2010)

What is to be done?

1) In a context marked by potential or actual confrontations, but also by encounters and fluctuating frontiers, believers should not renounce the ideal of living and praying side by side as a privileged form of dialogue. Sometimes, and in different circles, there have been hesitations and reservations on a form of interreligious dialogue rooted into the fact of praying side by side. Still, one can reasonably think that God takes more pleasure in seeing people praying together than killing each other… Prayer often manifests itself as a kind of “revolutionary force”, and religious leaders are well advised to let and encourage people find their own way of associating their prayers in times and places of conflicts, natural disasters, or just for building up brotherly neighborhoods. Actually, what might be the most dangerous feature of violence is the fact that it exercises a kind of fascination that leads all people involved to a hardening of their own identity, fostering a chain of violent reactions - violent in spirit even when not in deeds. In this light, and even if such posture looks “idealistic”, the importance of a spiritual, even “mystical” approach towards interreligious understanding cannot be overlooked.

2) At the same time, it is impossible not to tackle directly the political dimension of interreligious encounters (understood as dialogue and tensions): ethnic or national revivalist movements and religious revivals are associated phenomena; ethnic, partisan and religious lines are often blurred. In the Catholic Church, a document of the Second Vatican Council, Dignitatis Humanae, has established the principle of religious freedom, associating it with a reflection on the mission, nature and duties of the state. At the same time, the text was strongly influenced by the American constitutionalism tradition. Asian religious leaders now need to clarify their stance about the secular state (which most of them tend to belittle or flatly reject.) Asian religions should debate of their political principles and, hopefully, agree on a few pressing tasks: (a) definition of the secular state, (b) pushing towards further regional union, encompassing a bill of rights emphasizing the spiritual roots of Asia (both their diversity and their strength), (c) working for equality among sexes (which might constitute the most important check against radical Islam on the long run)… Also going along this “political imperative”, arises the exigency to be always truthful about history. Interreligious and inter-ethnic encounters are made possible or are blocked by narratives that are shared or are conflicting. When they happen in a context where conflicting narratives are honestly recognized and retold, such encounters operate as a healing of memories.

3) Asia is a region marked by an irreducible linguistic, cultural and religious diversity. Traditionally seen by Christianity as a practical and theological challenge, such diversity is actually a treasure that needs to be assessed, appreciated and interpreted. Peace-building is thus to be seen as an ongoing endeavor inseparable from the development of interreligious dialogue: both tasks are anchored into an interpretative process through which cultures, creeds and world-views are perpetually reshaped. On the long run, the “translation” of traditional languages and narratives that the in-depth meeting with the Other makes possible nurtures a creative reinterpretation of one’s spirituality and faith.

4) Value education and other actions conducive to a culture of dialogue must target in priority women and the youth, as these two sectors are the ones who are susceptible to foster in the future a less rigid and more compassionate social culture. Value education starts from existential requirements such as the importance of honesty, mutual respect and joy. Interreligious cooperation is actually anchored into the nurturing of basic values that, ideally, could and should be taught in the schools of a pluralistic secular state.

A “musical” metaphor might help us to ascertain what is at stake in such encounters: we all have different musical tastes, different “ears”, and yet we are called to do music together. What then will come out of our musical disagreements? At the end of the day, we cannot bet for sure on the kind of music that God likes and composes. Maybe He does not compose in the C scale or in B moll, maybe He composes a kind of serial or computer-generated music that goes through disharmonies and rhythmic breaks – music that we do not immediately appreciate. Creative music generally challenges our listening habits - and we can assume that God indeed is a creative composer.

週二, 20 四月 2010 19:27

“Found in Translation” Matteo Ricci’s lexicographic inheritance is alive

“Grand Ricci”, Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi, Guests of Honor in Shanghai

• On May 11, 2010, the digital edition of the Grand Ricci, the largest Chinese-foreign language dictionary in the world, was unveiled in Shanghai.

• This event took place on the date of the four hundredth anniversary of the death of Matteo Ricci (May 11, 1610), pioneer of cultural interaction between China and the West.

• Scholars invited to address the newly founded “Xu Guangqi-Matteo Ricci Dialogue Institute” at Fudan University joined the “Association Ricci” for the May 11 event, celebrating a new era of intercultural dialogue founded on the mutual appreciation of the diversity of our tongues and traditions.

週五, 01 十一月 2013 14:39

哲學的初心


哲學本是一件關於「慢下來」的事物。
即使是日常的生活與對話,也能長出哲學式思考的無限可能。

 

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