Jiahe Lin (林佳禾)

Jiahe Lin (林佳禾)

撰述/Writer at 經典雜誌
人籟論辯月刊 前編輯

週五, 01 十一月 2013 18:33

在涼山遇見浦東 ─ 跨進山區的城鎮化腳步

中國城鎮化的推進力道有多強?
少數民族地區的小鎮,想要大搞建設,向上海浦東看齊,或許正是最好的說明。
然而,土地開發與務農的普羅人民,究竟能聯繫上什麼關係?

 

週四, 03 十月 2013 00:00

十平米的家 ─ 在城市邊緣長大

 

在中國,流動人口是灰色的。
當城市一圈圈向外擴張、一片片自體更新,每一次拆遷都伴隨大量租戶流徙。
從一個角落,到另一個角落,他們其實一直努力生存,不曾遠離。
 

撰文、攝影|林佳禾

週五, 30 八月 2013 16:38

非暴力不是乾淨的主義



非暴力,是高尚、堅毅的價值精神,但不是一呼百諾、其利斷金的真空念力。

撰文|林佳禾
繪圖|笨 篤

週二, 30 七月 2013 14:59

觀看「非常」,如何有理?

從協力農場、收容機構到尋常人家,

三段關於精神病患與攝影的故事,或許能幫助我們進一步反省,
關於創作者、被攝者與觀看者之間的多重關係……


口述|郭力昕
整理|林佳禾


週二, 02 七月 2013 12:28

攝影「非常」



炙夏,心浮氣躁,但我們選擇「觀看瘋狂」,讓自己更躁。

撰文|林佳禾

週二, 28 五 2013 18:26

Keening: Taiwan's Professional Mourners

Translated from the Chinese by Conor Stuart. Photos courtesy of Liu Junnan and Wang Zhengxiang

When did keening become so forced?

A Mei: 'There was always someone there saying: Now you should cry... You can't cry now...My brother and I often got mixed up, "Do we have to cry now? Or not cry?".
                                                                                                                 -Seven Days in Heaven (2010)

The film, Seven Days in Heaven (Fuhou Qiri) from the short story of the same name, describes the experiences of A Mei, the female protagonist who has been working in the city for many years, on her return to her rural hometown for her father's funeral. There was a montage in the film with a lively Spanish dance track playing in the background, in which the 'keening' during the funeral preparation process is satirized – at one point A Mei hasn't finished eating, and later hasn't finished brushing her teeth, but hears the call "the girl should come and cry", and she has to don her mourning clothes and sprint to the altar to cry – in a very memorable scene. This scene must have made a lot of Taiwanese watching laugh (at least that is what happened with my friends and I), not just because of the comi-tragic sorry figure she cut, but also because we've all had similar – even if not quite as dramatic – experiences and sentiments.

Funerals, always touch on death and separation. Being grief-stricken or crying, is a natural emotional and physiological reaction; however, having to cry or 'keen' under the strictures of a pre-formulated ritual, is hard to think of as 'natural'.

How old is traditional? How new is modern?

In Taiwanese funerals the time to cry is appointed and when that time comes you have to cry, even if you have to fake it, and it's a loud keening wail – this is an element of Taiwanese funeral culture which is often criticized as a corrupt practice. When watching Seven Days in Heaven, A Mei's embarrassment, and the laughter of the audience, reflects the distance that people nowadays feel towards funeral rites.

For the past 20 or so years, a trend towards modernization in funerals has gathered momentum; the customs surrounding the funeral rites, often seen as esoteric were rebranded under the new moniker 'the study of life and death' (a field of study in the Chinese speaking world: shengsixue), advocated in the context of Metaphysics. A milestone in this trend has been the regulatory impact of the 'Mortuary Service Administration Act' promulgated by the Taiwanese government at the end of 2002, an act that states its purpose as essentially advocating conforming funeral customs to reflect the demands of a modern society.

If one compares the funeral model listed under the Citizen Ceremonies' Model ratified by the government in 1970 and similar models offered by funeral businesses today, one discovers that there's not much difference – clearly we haven't completely gotten rid of the old, and welcomed in a new way of doing things, but rather we've adapted and reinterpreted some of the finer details. So, before we rush to accept the traditional/modern dichotomy, perhaps we should ask ourselves what is this tradition that we are talking about? How old is it really? And what about the meaning of it should be reformed?

The shift from secular to religious funerals

To continue the example of keening, let's do a bit of historical research.

Normally people from Han culture think of funeral rites as pertaining to three separate traditions, the Confucian school, Buddhism and Daoism, at the same time, different characteristics sprang up in different localities. The fact that a funeral rite is called a rite () implies that it not only a religious activity; comparing the Confucian, the Buddhist and the Daoist traditions, the relationship between rites () and the Confucianism is much older and much deeper.

Very early on, China already had the concepts of ghosts, deities and ancestor worship, however, from the time of Confucius and Mencius, the rites, although they took their origin in belief and sacrificial rituals, developed by Confucian intellectuals from the rites of Zhou has always been secular, the main thrust of which was concerned with governing the behaviour of man. Confucianism tends to a belief that improving one's own sense of morality can give order to society, and allow one to accept one's place in life; they didn't feel the need search for consolation in imagining ghosts or deities. Therefore, the funeral rites and customs Confucianism advocated didn't include religious mysticism, but rather they reflected the 'normal' social order and social contract.

Pursuing harmony and rationality in this world, cannot ease the primal terror that people feel when faced with death, and this pursuit is unable to answer people's questions or speak to their imaginings of the afterlife. The narrative of life and death in Confucian thinking, advocating the ideas of putting the service of man before the service of spirits and that of keeping a respectful distance from ghosts and deities, is not enough to satisfy these questions; so, as Buddhism, which had come from elsewhere, and the home-grown Daoism came to fruition in the Wei, Jin and North-South dynasties, the system of rites surrounding funerals associated with Confucianism became intertwined with those of Buddhism and Daoism; with the changes in the way people think about the world, the secular Confucian orthodoxy has gradually become less dominant, under attack as it was from modern ways of thinking; supernatural religious belief was able to come to the fore in funeral rituals, revealing even more clearly the shift towards thinking from a religious perspective.

哭喪04Restraining Grief, a Thousand Year Old Ritual

However, in the midst of this trend, keening is considered an example of a more 'classic' ritual.

As the Chinese equivalent to "I'm sorry for your loss", which translates roughly as "Restrain your grief, so that you can adapt to the loss", which people today still use regularly, can attest to, the main tenet by which the Confucian system of rites deals with crying or keening during the mourning period emphasizes mediating grief by controlling one's physiological reactions. The passage 'Questions about Mourning Rites'in the Classic of Rites (Li Ji) is an early record that, even in the case of mourning for parents, the mourning period shouldn't last more than three years, the purpose of this is in the hope that people will gradually be able to exercise emotional restraint, and return to their customary life in society. This current of thought continued until after the Song (960–1279) and the Yuan (1271–1368) dynasties, when Confucian scholars gradually compiled Family Rites wherein the role of crying as a stage in funeral rites was laid down more clearly in writing, this included instructions like the following: on the death of a relative or a friend, you cry loudly (the person is dead so you can cry); throughout the period when one is offering sacrifices for the dead, one can cry if one feels sad (there's no appointed time for crying, when grief comes one may cry); but once the body has been interred, during the 'Enshrining the Spirit' ritual, one can only cry in the morning and in the evening (crying at dawn and at dusk); after a year of mourning, one should stop crying – this is where the idea of appointing the times when one could and could not cry came from in part.

As well as this, keening in this context, isn't simply 'crying', but rather it involves singing a keening song (dirge). From the perspective of the Han people, the folk keening dirges can be sung in several different ways, some are freestyle with no limitations on content, others, however, have words, but most are sung by women, such as wives and daughters on the death of an elder; during the funeral rites of the Zhuang, the Yi and the Jingpo peoples, all minority ethnic groups from the South West of China, one can always find rituals which fuse dance and keening dirges to express and relieve grief.

Can grief-stricken keening be carried out by proxy?

We can say for sure that keening is a part of a funeral culture with a long history, and it had a rich significance, and not a negative one, so is it right to label keening as a aberrant practice?

In the film Seven Days in Heaven, as well as the 'genuinely' filial daughter, A Mei, who feels bewildered by the keening ritual in the process of the funeral, there is also another classic role associated with crying: the 'fake' filial daughter A Qin, who keens professionally. In the film, A Qin is a larger than life career keener who can turn her tears on and off at the drop of a hat; the idea behind this character comes from the Chinese expression for a professional keener 'Xiaonvbaiqin'(孝女白琴 literally: filial daughter Baiqin), which formed a part of Taiwanese funeral processions (zhentou 陣頭) ten or twenty years ago. Somehow, compared to the relatives of the dead not knowing how to cry, spending money to hiring a perfect stranger who is in this profession to keep up appearances for them by 'performing' grief, seems a lot harder to reconcile with the practice of 'rites', but in Taiwan, this phenomenon has really taken off.

In fact, as well as "Filial Daughter Baiqin", another element of the parade tradition (zhentou 陣頭) with which Taiwanese readers will be familiar is the part called "Five sons cry at a tomb" (Wuzikumu 五子哭墓), these all play a part in "orthodox" Taiwanese funeral customs: the latter takes its origin in a Hoklo folktale; the former, on the other hand, is derived from the character 'Filial Daughter Baiqiong' in the 1970s' Taiwanese popular classic puppet theatre The Great Confucian Knight-Errant of Yunzhou (雲州大儒俠) – so these are all relatively "new traditions", so to speak. That's not to say that these more performative examples of keening don't have an element of filial piety or that they don't count as an expression of grief; however if one really goes back through historical records it becomes clear that these performances were actually invented by Taiwanese funeral homes – another relatively "new tradition" which only really started to become popular from the 1960s onwards.

 Because of its close connection with the rise of local funeral home companies, most of the professionals performing as"Filial Daughter Baiqin" normally work for relatively small organizations, often with staff shortages, and they're often responsible for weddings and other celebrations in addition to funerals - working in a variety of different roles, not just in the funeral sector, like performing as show girls on dance floats at weddings - a common sight at local weddings, celebrations and sometimes even funerals. For that very reason, the "Filial daughter Baiqin" profession is one of the most denigrated within Taiwan's contemporary funeral cultural industry, indirectly reinforcing people's negative impressions of this keening custom at funerals.

Overcoming the diametric opposition between "traditional" and "modern"

From another perspective, however, no matter if it's the services performed by the undertaker, the"Five sons crying at the tomb" (Wuzikumu) or "Filial daughter Baiqin", given that the structure of society has changed over time, the way funerals are held has adapted accordingly, making up for something that is now missing from our society (the popularization of funeral homes reflects the weakening of the bonds between people living in the same area and within families, as well as the scarcity of people familiar with rites; the rise of this kind of performative keening by professionals is not unlinked to the shrinking of families and the decline in the number of children), that reflects the psychology and demands of a bygone era. The custom does not take its origins in temples and it does not have a long history, but compared to the esoteric mysticism of the religious conception of rites, it is perhaps closer to the true essence of rites as they relate to the life of the ordinary man.

With the tide of modernization concerning funeral and burial customs, people have advocated freeing ourselves from the corrupt practices of traditional funeral customs and rites: they should be more solemn, there should be no loud mournful keening; they should be simplified and adapted to the times, there shouldn't be such extravagant decorations; one should follow religious practice, and not indulge in petty superstitions... however, these imagined "traditions" cannot be so easily homogenized, and one cannot break away from them simply by constructing modernity in opposition to them. Using the example of keening, we can even go far as to say that 'modernity' surfaces in order to resolve that which seems to be a contradiction or an aberration in any given society – here it would be the aberration would be the idea of a stranger being paid to mourn for one's relatives, but often in problematizing this aberration we flippantly iron out the creases in history, and simply thrust upon it the term 'tradition'. In this way we often remain ignorant to how the same practice, in this case keening, in a different time and place can change in the way it is carried out (i.e. from family members to professional keeners); and how this kind of aberration is a product of historic shifts within a society, and shouldn't simply be banished as a corrupt traditional practice.

Ghosts and deities remain outside of the grasp of human perception, and so judgement of whether something is good or bad is simply a product of our way of thinking and we shouldn't ignore the historical realities that lie behind apparent aberrations.

 

 

 

週五, 01 三月 2013 11:42

大時代,小頭家 ─ 林宗弘談微型創業與自由工作

當老闆,做主人,是「吃頭路」的人常有的美夢。

但人再獨立終究很難離群索居,工作自然也離不開社會,

除了個人自由與自我實現,且讓社會學家提供你另一些思考……


採訪、整理|林佳禾

週五, 11 一月 2013 15:02

末日沒來,想像未來─ 獨立雜誌的數位化契機

數位,總給人繽紛喧騰的印象,在發光的螢幕上,在出版的未來裡,需靜心細讀的獨立雜誌,能不能占有一席位置?

撰文、攝影│林佳禾
圖片提供│傅瑞德、老貓



週三, 05 十二月 2012 15:46

取自然,譜心聲

─峨冷在大山與大海之間尋自我

大自然提供的創作素材,有姿態、具性格,提醒人自由揮灑亦勿忘謙卑。

魯凱族的峨冷,藉天地間最細緻的存在,傾訴內心最飽滿的情感。

峨冷大頭照 峨冷.魯魯安(Eleng·Luluan),漢名安聖惠,1968年生,屏東魯凱族好茶部落、霧台部落人。內埔農工家政科畢業,為台東藝術家群落「意識部落」的成員之一,擅長運用漂流木、植物纖維等自然媒材進行創作。

 

初秋。來到屏東的台灣原住民文化園區,一處大山與平原交會的所在。隘寮溪在腳下徐徐流過,帶來山林的氣息。若沿溪而上,不出十餘公里,就能到達魯凱族好茶部落「曾經」的生活領域。是的,曾經,一段先後被政策、天災引致流離,如今逐漸掩沒的曾經。

 

然而,我們來此不是為了上山。非長假的早晨,迎賓的傳統禮炮打得震響,園內遊客卻顯得稀疏。走過賣店,在準備中的展場裡,見到了正忙進忙出的魯凱族藝術家──峨冷.魯魯安(Eleng·Luluan)。

我問:「這是妳離部落最近的一次展覽吧?」

她想了想,說:「對......一直沒有勇氣去碰觸的,第一次。」

 

從花藝師到流浪藝術家

半個世紀前,「雲豹的故鄉」好茶部落還在北大武山中的雲霧繚繞之處。1978年,一紙政府命令,以「便利生活」之名,讓整個部落移居到鄰近的溪岸台地。當時峨冷九歲,國小三年級,也在遷徙之列。告別了記憶中的祖居地,峨冷回想起來,覺得人生似乎起了重大變化。她說:「繫念著模糊的環境記憶,好像就註定要不斷流浪。之後不管是在霧台或新好茶,我的心都沒辦法真正定下來。」

家,總有著複雜多面的意義。生命從最初的土地上被拔起,異地再植,卻難以生根。峨冷出身自部落的貴族血脈,在成長過程中,受到傳統階層、性別觀念對女性的許多期待與約束。她談到:「這個不能做、那個不能做......我從小就是個被約制的小孩,可是越被約制,就越想抗拒,即使自己也不知道究竟在抗拒什麼。」對「家」最深刻的愛與念,反而成為長大後心頭最難解的糾結。

踏入社會,峨冷有很長一段時間待在台北打拚;直到年近三十,經歷接連的家庭變故,才再度回到屏東。家政科畢業的她,以開設花藝工作室重新出發,卻沒料到這個轉折,引她走上了藝術創作之路。1998年,從沒做過需要命名作品的峨冷,竟獲邀參加台北市立美術館的「當代原住民藝術展」,並開始以複合自然媒材的特色,在藝術圈闖出名號。

不久之後,峨冷結束了花藝生意,全心投入創作。甚至因為創作,她再度踏上流浪的旅程。翻過山,去到台東金樽海岸,成為由跨族群藝術家組成的「意識部落」成員之一。

2008 如果不在這裡 應該在哪裡 01

 

2008 如果不在這裡 應該在哪裡 02漂流木繫起了人生軌跡

山裡長大的人,突然跑到了海邊生活,在那裡,峨冷邂逅了漂流木,也因此重新梳理了自己的生命脈絡。

她談到:「在台東,我曾夢到漂流木盤踞在舊好茶的水源地;甚至在海邊看著它們,也忍不住會想:『這是不是從舊好茶流下來的?』漂流木對我來說是活的意象,把我帶到前所未有的領域,意識到自己原來和自然、土地這麼緊密。」兒時記憶,也因此一一被重新釋放,她說:「從小,花花草草就是我的玩具,整天捏在手上把玩......現在重新整理自己走過的路,為什麼會接觸自然媒材,一下子脈絡變得好清楚,彷彿冥冥之中早有安排。」

花很「輕」,漂流木卻很「重」。決定採用漂流木創作,峨冷碰上了第一個挑戰便是「怎麼蒐集」。她笑說:「剛開始超級瘋狂,隨時都想去撿木頭,被欲望驅使,更被貪婪吃得死死的!」深怕被別人搶先,但自己一個女生又帶不走,峨冷只得與友人同行,但約法三章,比快、比狠、更比準。

「我們常比賽誰最快決定自己要的木頭,通常會先『尋』一遍,各自留下標記。」在既定的遊戲規則下,人人各有不同方法,峨冷說:「我通常都很直覺,剛好抓到,第一時間的觸感對了,那就是了。木頭在我腦子裡會自動連結、歸類,很快就組合出自己的語言。也許是從小在山上長大,我覺得自己很容易就可以進入它們的世界。」

不過,太容易進入也有缺點。峨冷笑說:「事實上,我快被材料淹沒了!這些木頭都跟我生活在一起,每天經過它們,看著它們,很難預期哪天會突然靈光一閃,覺得:『該你上場了!』」

 

 

取「材」自然,也取「道」自然

藝術家多半都會同意創作難以強求,需要時間醞釀、調整想法,因此每個人自覺還不到位的半成品,往往不少。類似情況也發生在峨冷身上,而且對使用自然媒材的創作者來說,「如何與材料相處」是個格外重要的課題。

峨冷認為:「每一根木頭都是獨立存在的生命。某種程度,妳應該可以解讀它們想跟妳說什麼。但是,妳真的到了那裡嗎?」累積了幾年經驗,峨冷曾經一度覺得自己非常能掌握使用漂流木的技法,然而,卻在某次創作高美館的戶外作品時陷入困局。回想起來,她說:「我以為自己可以駕馭,但卻反過來被它們狠狠修理一頓!妳以為自己可以不按照它的線條、硬是要改變它,它就會反過來卡死妳,所有感覺都不對了。」

木頭教會了峨冷,每一次創作都必須讓自己回到原點。她談到:「每一次都會覺得『就差一點點』,但是發表之後,再回頭看,它會帶妳自我提升。現在我使用木頭的技法,沒有像過去那麼繁複、堆疊了。過去的作品,現在可能做不出來,生命過程就是這樣,那就是我。」

另一方面,不論是漂流木堆疊組合,或是峨冷近期常使用的自然纖維(植物的根、莖、葉等)編織拼接,以自然媒材構成的作品,通常不易長期保存,隨著時間可能產生有機變化,到最後甚至崩壞、消失。峨冷提到:「一開始會很希望作品能持續得更久一點,但後來也釋懷了。自然素材讓我學會了謙卑,選擇用這些材料,就要尊重它自然生成的狀態。」

 

追求不同心靈的共通感動

卸除了對技法、成品的「執」,如今的峨冷,更專注在她一直以來想藉創作達成的事:與人交流共通的經驗、分享精神上的感動。

從過去到現在,圖騰也好,符號也罷,峨冷的作品始終很難直接看出「原住民」的痕跡。這當然來自她因生命經驗而形成的抗拒,誠如她在談到魯凱族文化中以百合花做為女性純潔和貞節的象徵時,激動地說:「我的生命一直在和這樣的東西拉扯,人怎麼會輕易被定型?不能勇敢地走出自己嗎?」

若說當代原住民藝文的書寫與創作,某種程度是藉由談「自我」形塑了一種「集體」的身分認同,峨冷對自己的最大期許,無疑是在超越這種狀態。她說:「我想打通人與人之間的不同心靈與距離,如果我說的話也被歸類成『只是原住民自己在說的話』,那正是我需要持續努力的地方。」

2008 如果不在這裡 應該在哪裡 03

〈如果()不在這裡,應該在哪裡?〉,2008

家的羈絆是永遠的創作泉源

或許正因如此,峨冷強調她不喜歡詮釋作品,而希望觀者能直接被她所創造的畫面觸動。可惜,這對在實際場合中很難完全不介紹作品的藝術家來說,只怕是最難達成的奢想。

初秋,屏東,原住民文化園區。峨冷穿上了傳統禮袍,戴上了傳統花冠。成名多年,第一次將作品帶回到靠近生命源頭的地方,個展開幕在即,部落裡的女性長輩全都到了。我身旁有人竊竊地說:「峨冷最愛哭了,等會兒一定會哭慘了!」果不其然,作品導覽開始,走不出兩、三件,當長輩用族語開始聊起各種天馬行空的看法,她的淚水已止不住。

2009年八八風災之後,部落又逢巨變,峨冷也因此較過去常待在屏東一些。目睹災害帶來的衝擊,她說:「人生走一回,後來才發現一直在逃避的東西,帶給自己的養分最豐富。我開始會自問究竟要逃避到幾時?」但當我問:「會有一天結束放逐,回到自己的部落創作嗎?」她卻又說:「不是沒想過,有時候會想,但又真的不敢想......暫時沒有認真考慮要回來。」

事後想想,關於「家」的羈羈絆絆,不正是每一個人的經驗深處,最自然的生命共感嗎?想家的流浪者,峨冷,其實家一直在妳的作品中。

 

採訪、撰文|林佳禾
照片提供|高雄市立美術館

週四, 01 十一月 2012 18:00

下班後,玩陣頭

─七年級素人學習「官將首」

官將首演出人數多為三至五人,但亦有七人以上之變化陣形。(攝影/林明仁)

陣頭裡沒有女孩兒?陣頭裡只有迫迌人?

時代早變了,來瞧瞧這些年輕人跟祭典民俗迸出了什麼火花……

 

舊瓶新酒,神將技藝尋新貌

還記得《陣頭》這部電影嗎?片中描述傳統家族式的民俗技藝團,面對經營與傳承的困難,努力想找到出口。在現實中,近年來台灣也有不少人企圖將神將文化帶出民間信仰儀式之外,讓更多民眾——特別是年輕人——能夠親近。只要上網搜尋「神將」、「陣頭」,你一定會驚訝於相關的典故介紹、活動競賽與影音紀錄之豐富。

 

宜蘭的二結社區,十多年前曾以「千人移廟」廣為人知。以「王公廟」為中心,他們借力「古公三王」的祭祀文化,發展社區營造,並致力於民俗技藝傳習。今年,社區正式成立了「大二結王公藝術研究所」,開辦多項課程,供一般民眾修習。其中最引人惻目的,莫過於演出時必須面塗油彩、身著華服、手拿法器,舉手投足充滿神祕與懾人氣息的「官將首」。

 

「官將首」和「八家將」皆為傳統神將陣頭的一種。傳說故事中,官將首原是地藏王菩薩的護法,八家將本為陰司神祇的隨扈。一般而言,前者的動作比較陽剛,後者則以陰柔為主要特色;此外,兩者的服裝、器具也有明顯差異。

 

本期「青年發聲」訪問三位在二結學習官將首的七年級生。他們平日各自有不同的生活、專業;而他們的動機,也並非什麼目標遠大的傳統保存、文化振興。透過他們的分享,你或許能發現:陣頭文化與自己的距離,比想像中近得多。

 

Zhen_gingin

今今30歲|持照建築師

台灣人的身體感,卡自然

 

 

我在台北上班,為了官將首,開課時每星期有一晚得通勤往返。我的工作量其實很大,常要去工地監工,公司的同事知道我跑到宜蘭來學這個,都覺得我瘋了!

我在嘉義鄉下長大,對陣頭不算陌生,之所以想學,主要是覺得這類活動很神祕,卻又很親近。舉例來說,我每次看現代舞的表演都覺得很怪,自己也學過一陣子肚皮舞,也覺得不對勁,總感覺那些肢體動作都是外來的,沒有「台灣人的身體感」。反之,官將首的動作就是很「本土」的動作,我覺得比較自然。

實際接觸之後,我很驚訝官將首並沒有固定套路,非常隨興。師傅們只教我們一些原則,比方說:居中的「中叉」是陣形裡的靈魂人物,四周的團員必須配合他來變化動作。有人高、有人就要低,前排要是起,後排就要落,反之亦然。我不知道師傅們是怎麼開始學的,也不知道其他地方是不是有固定的教法,但我認為這些技藝很像人家說的「默會知識」,要靠自己從「做」中慢慢感覺,沒辦法只被「教」就學會。

官將首強調整體感,所以成員之間的「配合」就變得很重要 。除了基本步法,風格主要表現在「刁招」(大意指官將首展現身段、變化陣形的內容),但刁招得考量整體,成員不固定就很難進行。以我們的情況來說,剛開始不斷學新東西,覺得很有趣;但社區的阿姨們因為比較忙,出席狀況不穩定,等到需要整體搭配時,就練不太起來。那時候我一度打算放棄,幸好後來另外湊齊了「咖」,有了基本班底,才能繼續練下去。

第一次正式上場,我才知道跟平常練習有非常大的差異。戴上頭盔之後,整個人的重心完全變了,必須重新適應;而且身上大小配件很多,走著走著,草鞋一不小心還可能鬆脫!總之,表演時我腦中一片空白,眼神也經常呆滯。實際玩過,才知道陣頭要下的功夫,實在很多。

當然,以玩票性質來說,有這次經驗已經差不多了。往後或許要看是否有新的元素吸引我,否則就停在這裡也無所謂。反正我本來就喜歡民間信仰的活動,是那種會專程跑去看萬華青山宮「夜巡」的人。所以,我肯定會持續關心這些東西。

Zhen06

「大二結公王藝術研究所」利用社區內重要公共空間,開班傳習傳統民俗技藝。(攝影/吳亭樺)

 

Zhen_amin

阿民|32歲|水利工程師

團隊至上,有伴才玩得好

 

 

去年我就在二結學過官將首,也演出過,算是老班底了。那時我在宜蘭工作,因為聽說這裡有職業的團在教一般人,就來看看。當時我完全搞不清楚這是在幹什麼,也不知道官將首、八家將、十家將……究竟有什麼差別,只有一個單純的念頭:工作太忙,缺乏運動!

真的,一開始就是為了運動。第一堂課就是練腳步,一整晚不停移動,可以練得滿身大汗。我想強迫自己動一動;而且當時課程很短,不會太占時間,所以沒考慮太多就加入。今年,我原本已經離職,也搬離宜蘭,但最近接了一份短期工作,又跑回來。某一天來看朋友,沒想到他們正缺人,我就被拉下海了。

平常上課師傅們只教實作,關於陣頭的背景知識,都是在聊天中零零星星提到。他們常形容官將首是「流氓將」,但我怎麼學都學不像,無論如何就是沒那種「氣」。一開始我以為只要多補充對官將首的認識,就會比較好揣摩。但去年演出前,師傅他們整團人來幫我們開面(畫臉)、穿衣,有機會近距離互動,我才發現那種身段、氣息要在看似玩來玩去、打打鬧鬧的團體互動中,彼此耳濡目染,才可能養成。

他們是一起玩了很多年,才慢慢玩起來的;我們卻是零散的個人跑來學。我們若要裝兇狠、邪氣,總是會擺得很刻意;而他們明明像是在開玩笑,卻可以很自然地表現那種感覺。

當然,還是少不了團員之間的互相學習。因為表演、擺招式本來就要彼此配合。一開始,我們完全不懂得怎麼「刁招」,只能看對面同伴的動作、節奏,有樣學樣。官將首是一個講究團體的活動,即使招式簡單,只要配合得好,就可以很好看;反之,就算你自己會很炫的花招,若沒辦法跟其他人配合,整體看來就不協調。

對我來說,學官將首主要是好玩。但前提必須有伴,團員最好是認識的朋友,才比較玩得起來,所以很難說會不會繼續下去。但無論如何,這兩年學到不少。我們這一輩或多或少帶著上一輩的信仰習慣。可是,我們拜拜時通常很「無感」,拿香就拜;遇到大型信仰活動,也很少會感興趣。因為我玩官將首,同事、朋友來看演出,就有機會問:官將首是什麼?跟八家將有什麼不同?我也才有機會回答。想想,這也是件好事吧!

 

 

Zhen_xinhui

馨慧|23歲|留德大學生

排練難入戲,著裝才「上身」

 

 

我現在是德國柏林藝術大學四年級的學生,主修劇場服裝設計。對於台灣的傳統藝術和民間信仰,我一直以來都很有興趣,但沒什麼機會接觸。兩、三年前,有一次為了學校的專題作業,我開始研究、比較東西方對死後世界的想像和再現。那時候,我才深刻意識到自己對台灣文化中某些很重要的東西,完全沒有概念。

今年,我申請一學期的校外研究,回台灣來接觸一些課題。說巧不巧,因為我媽媽的工作和二結社區有許多合作,我被她拉來協助王公藝術研究所設計表演制服,才發現這裡在開班教授官將首。官將首也算是陰間的神,跟我的研究很契合;而且,對從事劇場服裝設計的人來說,捕捉到演員實際著裝詮釋角色時的感覺,才能夠設計出適合的服裝。有機會可以親自「扮神」,真是再好不過,所以我就決定中途加入。

我從小就玩cosplay(角色扮演),好的、壞的、大的、小的、老的、少的……什麼都扮過。某種程度,官將首和cosplay很像。只不過 cosplay是「扮演一個清楚的角色」;官將首則是「進入一種狀態」,比較籠統,也必須比較大膽。總之,雖然晚加入,技藝學習的部分,我很快就能進入狀況;加上學過跳舞,自己又愛演,肢體動作,我也自認得心應手。

難掌握的還是氣勢和神韻。平常排練,沒有化妝、著裝的時候,雖然「三步贊」之類的基本步法沒問題,但移動、行進的姿勢該怎麼做,我一直有「不入戲」的感覺;直到第一次演出和踩街,才覺得「角色有上身」。另外,在「刁招」時必須做出搖頭晃手、嚇阻妖魔鬼怪的那些架勢,排練時我也做不出來;直到正式演出,頭盔一戴上,有了重量,自然就有感覺了。

我不是在廟會環境下長大的小孩,這次有機會在二結的農村裡跟居民一起生活,聽他們講,到廟裡去看,又親身演出,我覺得收獲很大。

官將首後台準備五部曲。(攝影/林佳禾)

07_

上油彩

 

08_

著盛裝

 

09_

穿鞋襪

 

10

戴頂冠

 

Zhen11

忙裡偷閒上上網

 

 

 

 

 

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cover98little

十一月─從台灣到索羅門群島

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週二, 04 九月 2012 15:35

The Muses Hide in Melodies


Translated from the Chinese by Conor Stuart

Everyone, whether to a greater extent or a lesser, has a few melodies or a few lines of poetry which come to mind easily, without a deliberate effort to chase them out; they slip out at just the right moment, nurturing us.

A poem or a song, in context, can become a lover, or a confidante, you understand them, they understand you, and nothing can come between you.

Six lovers of poetry, six songs each with its own story, each revealing a different aspect of life. Then, may we think, is poetry so much farther removed from our laughter or our tears than song?

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