Erenlai - Governance and Its Discontents 世界需要新藍圖
Governance and Its Discontents 世界需要新藍圖

Governance and Its Discontents 世界需要新藍圖

 

 
Good governance requires blending and satisfying opposing views. What rules of conduct and transparency should apply to enterprises, nation-states and international organizations? Does globalization require new models of governance? The materials here throw light on the world of developmental politics.

宏觀的管治需要智慧與經驗,以及解決問題的能力。理論若沒有落實成貫徹的計劃,那也不過是勞民傷財的一場空談罷了!世界需要有新藍圖,這樣我們才能知道永續發展的路要如何走下去。

週五, 29 六月 2012

Got Beef with President Horse?


Is Ma Yingjiu truly the son of Satan?

Upon being reelected in the 2012 presidential election this January, Ma Yingjiu (or Horse England Nine1, as one of my former students called him), must have felt the calm satisfaction of a job well done. He had just defeated a fairly strong opposition by a very tight margin, and would have four more years of control to shape Taiwan the way he saw fit. Little did he know that just five months down the line, he would be the target of (almost) everyone’s criticism.

週四, 07 七月 2011

Romance of the Three Kingdoms: The Sequel

“Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, written in the 14th century, is the most popular Chinese historical novel, based on the tumultuous history of the country during the second and third centuries. A cultural icon, it has lost nothing of its evocative power, revived through TV series, mangas and videogames. Throughout the centuries, its over-complex plot has also provided the Chinese political scene with endless analogies, helping politicians and commentators to assess power relationships, strategies and claims to legitimacy.

No wonder that the “Three Kingdoms” metaphor is still in use. And it serves today to describe the somehow subdued battle going on between the three main ideological forces that divide the Chinese intellectual spectrum, all of them trying to define policy making and future institutional transformations. Roughly speaking, the “Three Kingdoms” are now referred to as Confucianism, Christianity and a populist form of Maoist revival.

Let us start with the latter “Kingdom”: Bo Xilai (薄熙来), Party secretary of Chongqing Special Municipality and a scion of a prominent Communist family, has built up his popularity on the eradication of local mafias (or its substitution by new factions), the building of scores of social housing, and the chanting in group and on TV of revolutionary songs of the past. He has somehow reshaped a “spiritual civilization” based (a) on the comfort of small groups fostering mutual support through chanting together and participating in community activities, (b) on nostalgia for less corrupt times, and (c) on the reassertion of the quasi-religious nature of the Party.  Strangely enough, the model has proven effective, and is now embraced by a growing number of national and local cadres, making the ones who embrace the revival of the Party and the enshrinement its history leading contenders in the political battles to come. For sure, the ultimate motivations behind Bo’s launching of the “Red songs campaign” remain unclear, but it any case it has initiated a movement that has implications going beyond his personal political future. Current dissatisfactions as to inflation and unemployment may give more impetus to this peculiar form of populism.

Confucianism fits better the mind of the leaders and intellectuals who envision the future of China as a continuation and refinement of the current model: meritocracy is the core value, a meritocracy mainly based on technical and administrative expertise; virtue is to be extolled, along with obedience and sense of order; “scientific development” associates with uncritical reverence for China’s long past (while the Populist-Maoist model relies more on generational nostalgia and short-term memory); caution and wisdom anchored into the ruminating of Chinese classics have to predominate over daring attempts at change, so prone is the country to disorder and division.

Finally, “Christianity” is fostered by the rapid growth of Christian churches, joined by people aspiring to a spiritual experience anchored in both personal and community life; at the same time, it clearly posses political undertones as it goes with aspiration to personal freedom and rights understood in the Western sense; such aspiration ultimately implies to relax or even to overcome the Party-State’s overall control on society. “Christians’ are thus often assimilated to people aspiring towards a Western-leaning model, and such people can also be found in leading circles. An example is the one provided by the economist Zhao Xiao (赵晓), who has equaled the historical achievement of the West with its adhesion to Christian beliefs and has converted to Christianity. During the last few years and months, spiritual and political values have been more clearly associated than was the case at the beginning of the “religious fever’ tide, with tensions and debates consequently growing.

“Romance of the Three Kingdoms” is characterized by the intricacy of its plot and the innumerable changes of alliances and fortune that occur. It would thus be unwise to see in the three “Kingdoms” now emerging the sole actors of an ever-evolving drama. But the understanding of the Characters who appear on the stage at a given moment of time might help all observers to better follow the plot yet to unfold.

Photo: C.P.

週五, 23 十月 2009

沒說不,豈能當同意?

圖片提供/Email住址會使用灌水程式保護機制。你需要啟動Javascript才能觀看它
本文亦見於2009年11月號《人籟》論辨月刊


----------------------------------------
器官捐贈是救人的善行,然而我們是否有強迫他人行善的權利?
----------------------------------------

器官移植是現代醫學的奇蹟,不但挽救了許多人的生命,也提升許多人的生活品質,而關於「器捐」在醫療、法律、哲學、宗教方面的爭議,各界已有許多精彩的論述,此處我想透過「施與受」的角度,討論此一議題。


沒說不,即同意:強迫捐贈?
由於目前等待器官移植者的人數遠多於器官捐贈者,部分推動器官捐贈的人士遂希望另尋良方改善此一情況。其中之一即是衛生署長楊志良先生近來提出來的「沒說不,即同意」的器官捐贈構想。

依照楊署長說法,所謂「沒說不,即同意」的器官捐贈是指:除了十八歲以下未成年者及精神病患外,民眾生前若未拒絕捐贈器官,即視同同意捐贈。不過,倘若病人的家屬拒絕捐贈,也不能捐。

然而大家不妨試想一下,就施者來說,天底下有比「生命」更難捨的財產嗎?反之,對受者來說,天底下有比「生命」更貴重的禮物嗎?


不得侵損他人的權利
面對這種既昂貴又特殊的施與受關係,如果事先沒有審慎思慮「器捐」的本質,也沒有考量到「同意行使」之前所需的心理準備,那麼事後雙方關係可能會出現嚴重失衡的狀態,進而產生「獲益者」與「犧牲者」之間難解的糾葛,因為生命並不是身體衰毀之後就消失了!。

此外,對於身外之物,我們尚且知道「未經同意而取謂之偷」,更何況是長在別人身體內的器官,我們可以隨便用一個「沒說不,即同意」的法條就予以強取嗎?而如果「沒說不,即同意」這種說法行得通,是否表示任何人都可以用「你又沒有說『不要』」這種藉口來侵損他人的權利?


切忌貿然行動
我們畢竟是肉身凡夫,就算是在意識不清,末稍神經對肉體痛覺已經消失的時候,在心理上,對於身體還是會存有一股頑強的防護驅力和執取衝動。因此,多數人都必須經過長期的教育薰陶冶與意志鍛鍊,才能慢慢地讓自己在色身、言行、和思想上都做好「捨身布施」的準備。

主事者如果沒有看透這一點,便在匆促的情況下貿然摘取病人的器官,進行移植,這時無論對捐贈者、家屬或受贈者而言,都可能造成某種風險和傷害。更令人擔憂的是,一旦「沒說不,即同意」的器官捐贈構想付諸實現,一些無家屬可代為發聲的鰥、寡、孤獨者,以及一些無依無靠的遊民和社會邊緣人,也很容易在利益團體的虎視眈眈下淪為俎上肉,變成合法的器官供應來源。

「器官捐贈」不應該只是一種感性的善行召喚而已,它更應該是一項嚴肅的「生命之施與受的價值抉擇」,既然是抉擇,便是有所取、有所捨、有所承擔。而人只有在承擔自己的責任時,才可能產生心甘意樂、堅定前行的力量,這也是我極力強調在「器捐」之前,必須讓捐贈者「知情同意」的原因。



欲知作者對本議題的更多看法,請見
李素卿個人部落格「禪者手記」

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox}media/articles/LiSuQing_OrganDonation.jpg{/rokbox}

週三, 21 十月 2009

The Four Year Development of Tourism in Taipei County

Wei Ding-Lung outlines Taipei County’s tourism vision for past 3 years and this year.

Attached media :
{rokbox size=|544 384|thumb=|images/slideshow_en.jpg|}media/articles/WeiDingLun_4YearsCultureTaipeiCounty.swf{/rokbox}

週三, 02 九月 2009

The Aftermath of Typhoon Morakot

On August 7-10, Typhoon Morakot’s torrential rains devastated southern Taiwan. At least 600 people died under the giant mudslides triggered by the typhoon. More than three weeks after the disaster, the psychological and political aftershocks are still felt throughout the island. The raging debate has become increasingly multilayered:

- The first debate has been about the dismal performance of the forecasting system, unable to predict the deluge that has engulfed the southern part of the island.

- The second one, and the most damaging politically, has focused on the slow response of the central government. President Ma Ying-jeou, it has been argued, has shown that he was not a strong and capable leader. From the start, he had appointed a cabinet of technocrats insensitive to real life issues and popular feelings. And he has focused so much on bettering relationships with China that he has forgotten to tackle Taiwan’s everyday concerns. Whatever the fairness of these allegations, they have suddenly altered drastically his public image, with consequences so far-reaching that they are still difficult to predict.

- Though they have not taken the brunt of political criticisms, local governments have not fared much better than the Center. They sometimes have been slow to request external help. Roads and other public facilities might have been so inadequate because public works contracts are given out by local powers in dubious fashion; however, the “Green” counties of the South have been keen to shift the blame towards the central government.

- Quite logically, the attention now focuses on the poor quality of public works, deforestation and general neglect of environmental imperatives, which might explain the amplitude of the mudslides. Political leaders are not the only ones to blame. The strife towards rapid profit and Taiwan society’s indifference to long-term issues account for the rapid ecological deterioration, especially in mountain areas, which might trigger similar disasters in the future.

- The prayer tour conducted by the Dalai Lama has opened up a new front: political motivations have been invoked, as the invitation made by Green local leaders is deeply embarrassing for Ma Ying-jeou, who could not reject the Dalai Lama’s application without further political consequences but has now to deal with China’s anger. Meanwhile, not all Taiwanese religious leaders have reacted enthusiastically to the coming of the Dalai Lama: many victims from the mountainous area were aborigine, thus probably Christians. Taiwanese Buddhist leaders fear the growing influence of Tibetan Buddhism on their own flock; and Chinese religion associations have pointedly underlined the “efficacy” of traditional memorial services and rituals…

- Once avidly watched, medias have also suffered from a backlash: their unbridled sensationalism, the relentless flow of often meaningless reports and interviews and the competition among TV channels have illustrated once again the very poor quality of information service in Taiwan. Medias now appear as the main profiteers of a national disaster.

- One positive effect of the disaster has rarely been noticed: Civil society has very quickly taken up relief work (from the outset of the disaster in fact), without public support, and newly relying on Internet Social Networks, especially through Plurk, preferred by many young Taiwanese activists to Twitter. Once again, Taiwan has shown that its main strength lies in its robust civil society that works independently from the public and media apparatus. A positive inheritance from the way Taiwan’s democratization came about.

The typhoon has thus proven to be a social and cultural revelation. Taiwanese have experienced once again the ills that come with short-term vision and concerns, and have strongly expressed their political disillusions. At the same time, their natural gift for self-introspection and for self-organization has been as remarkable as has been the case in previous circumstances, such as after the massive earthquake that happened ten years ago. The problem is now to draw the right lessons from the disaster, and to resolutely orient Taiwan towards sustainability and proper use of land resources. A global challenge that new social networks might help to spell out for the greater good of a traumatized society looking for meaning, purpose and unity…

週四, 20 八月 2009

救災,網路總動員!

圖片來源/台大批踢踢實業坊 Emergency板
本文為節錄,完整內容請見2009年9月號《人籟》論辨月刊


----------------------------------------
相較於政府的失能,這次風災,台灣民眾透過網路展現的驚人動員力量,宛如一場救災形式的革命,也讓我們重新審視微網誌等網路工具的興起,是如何改變人類的生活。
----------------------------------------

從Twitter(中譯「推特」)到plurk(中譯「噗浪」),在金融海嘯跟隨著全球化的腳步席捲全世界之際,140個字的威力與144個字的夢想成真,讓深陷經濟泥淖中的人們,彷彿看到了一雙能夠帶著自己脫離現有困境的翅膀。確然的,伴隨著上網工具與網路媒介同步微形化的趨勢,做為一雙翅膀,Twitter與plurk的確威力強大,只是光是擁有強而有力的翅膀,並不能保證我們所航向的未來必定光明,畢竟決定方向一直都是擁有翅膀的人們,而不是翅膀本身。

網路救災效率高
近日襲擊台灣的颱風莫拉克,造成了台灣南部許多縣市的重大災情。高達2000公釐的驚人雨量造成南台灣山區大量的土石滑落,伴隨大量雨水所形成的土石流切斷了山區聯外道路、淹沒山中小鎮部落,更順流而下摧毀橫跨鄉鎮縣市間的巨大橋樑。正當災難步步席捲南台灣,而中央防災指揮中心的網站上仍閃著零災害發生的訊息時,一場台灣救災史上的革命,正悄悄的隨著微型網誌144個字的限制,在網路上逐漸成形。

相較於中央防災體系的顢頇遲頓,在網路上透過網友既有人際網絡所傳達的各種災區訊息,顯得快速又有效。當內政部長忙著在電視上和地方首長對罵以釐清災害發生的責任歸屬時,在plurk上的噗友們正努力傳遞災情的相關訊息。很快的,就有網友建立網站,運用災區當地網友所傳來的資訊,以地圖的方式呈現台灣各地的災情現況,並協助整合來自災區的大小訊息。然後開始有網友在plurk上大量轉噗其中相關物資與志工需求的資訊,於是有錢的出錢、有力的出力,當中央政府還在為了種種政治考量,猶豫是否接受來自國外的援助時,帶著民眾自主捐贈物資的志工們,就已經趕赴災區協助救災了。

滴水穿石:網路力量大
這是一場革命,民眾透過自發主動的行為,向政府傳達民眾不滿政府救災效率低落的訊息。因為如果連民眾都能做的到的話,沒有理由中央政府可以是如今這種表現。而在這場革命中民眾所運用的武器,正是plurk這144個字的夢想成真。
當然囉,plurk絕不是為了救災而存在,在平常的日子裡,plurk也不過就是個網友們互通訊息與情感交流的網路媒介。方便、快速、進入門檻低,再配合手機上網功能的日益普及,讓plurk這個網路媒介成為許多網友日常生活的一部分。但這種結合網路與日常生活的形態,事實上也曾遭到某些人的批評。對某些人來說,他們無法忍受plurk上總是一堆人在那裏早安、晚安打招呼,全然的言不及義與浪費生命。但是就我個人認為,plurk之所以能夠在這回的救災過程中,發揮這樣大的功效,正是噗友們平日在plurk上早安、晚安打招呼所形成的。

一直以來我都認為網路僅僅只是種人際關係的延伸,網路的出現或許令我們的人際關係得以擴張,但是人們在網路上所進行的,仍然只是尋常的人際交往而沒有特出之處,也正因為如此,所以在plurk上的早安、晚安才會顯得那麼重要。在那些日常資訊的交流中,噗友們自然的確認了彼此間的關係,噗友們之間比較有話聊的就變成朋友,這個朋友關係可能延伸到現實生活中,也可能一直只存在網路上。但是等到面臨了共同的危機,例如像這回的莫拉克風災時,這些網絡就開始發揮功效,透過平日所建立的信任關係,彼此合作分工投入救災的工作之中,相較於存在政治利益衝突的中央與地方,其效率自然是不言而諭。


想知道大腸如何進一步分析網路的力量,請見2009年9月號《人籟》論辨月刊。

更多關於作者
大腸的部落格「大腸的人生」

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox}media/articles/dachang_network.jpg{/rokbox}

週三, 12 八月 2009

天人菊與骰子的賭局──賭博不是天性

本文亦見於2009年9月號《人籟》論辨月刊


----------------------------------------
今年一月,立院通過「離島建設條例」中賭博除罪化的修正條文,
為國內外博奕觀光投資業者敲開了關閉已久的大門。
這場財富與道德的賭局,目前勝負似已判定。
然而,我們是否真的知道賭桌上所押注的是什麼?
----------------------------------------

9月26日,澎湖縣政府即將舉行「博弈公投」。為了要讓公投結果合乎少數既得利益者的預期,他們竟然擅用公部門的資源,舉辦著一場又一場充滿美麗謊言的說明會。許多民眾被這些謊言洗腦,誤以為開放賭博將可帶來滾滾財源。


國外賭場所在地百業消條
反賭博合法化聯盟」業已披露國外賭場所在地「賭業一枝獨秀,百業消條」的真象,戳破了「賭能興邦」的謊言。聯盟並援用國外賭場所在地堅實數據,指出一旦開賭,必將導致犯罪率、自殺率、離婚率、破產率、偏執性賭徒年增加率、青少年染上賭癮年增加率,悉數飆高。

但言者諄諄,聽者藐藐,因為促賭人士一些似是而非的說詞,確實發生效用。那就是:「賭博是天性,既然無法禁絕,就應該滿足它。」許多官員與民眾被這個觀念誤導,將開賭視為「必要之惡」。


賭博並非天性
然而賭博並非天性。「天性」理應人人有之,但全世界最起碼有一大部分人,終其一生都不賭博,也沒有賭博的渴求。這與芸芸眾生在生、心理上強烈渴求飲食、男女的程度,顯然不同。

若將賭博心理予以分析,此中不外乎「爭強鬥勝」與「贏取財富」。而這兩種心理也都不是「天性」:世間自有許多人,是不與人爭強鬥勝而怡然自得的。即便有些人有爭強鬥勝的心理,但也不必然用「賭博」來滿足。因為爭強鬥勝可發展出多種樣態:有陰暗、罪惡的,如掀起戰爭、勾心鬥角;亦有文雅、節制的,如參加運動、競技及棋賽,後者甚至可以在公平的遊戲規則下,培養出一套進退有節的競賽文化,如中國「揖讓而升,下而飲」的射御文化、日本的武士道、西方的騎士精神。

再者,世間自有許多人,志不在贏取財富,只將財富當作滿足生活需求的工具。即使有些人志在贏取財富,依然有某種程度的道德意識,不敢不擇手段,此謂「君子愛財,取之有道」。妄想賭博致富,絕非取之有道。即便僥倖贏之,也只不過是奠立在他人失落、痛苦乃至罪惡的基礎之上,此謂「不義之財」。這使得許多志在贏取財富的人,寧願從事農工商業以增殖財富,也不願以賭致富。

既然,志不在「贏取財富」或志在「贏取財富」的眾多人,都不想、也不會靠賭博來贏取,那麼,贏取財富也就談不上是「天性」。

如上所說,不但賭博行為不是「天性」,連爭強鬥勝與贏取財富的賭博心理,也都不是天性。既然如此,又何必想方設法滿足它呢?



更多關於是否開放博弈的討論,請看

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox}media/articles/ShiZhaoHui_gamble.jpg{/rokbox}

週三, 12 八月 2009

天人菊與骰子的賭局──積極開放,有效管理

本文亦見於2009年9月號《人籟》論辨月刊


----------------------------------------
今年一月,立院通過「離島建設條例」中賭博除罪化的修正條文,
為國內外博奕觀光投資業者敲開了關閉已久的大門。
這場財富與道德的賭局,目前勝負似已判定。
然而,我們是否真的知道賭桌上所押注的是什麼?
----------------------------------------


長久以來,賭博始終被國人以惡視之。然隨著社會多元化,許多傳統觀念逐漸式微,而賭博既為人性之大慾,便很難以法令完全禁止。特別是金融海嘯發生後,為了挽救每況愈下的經濟,賭場合法化的問題再度被重視。


博弈為各國帶來財源
事實上,諸如拉斯維加斯、澳門等大型賭場的收入並不僅來自博弈,因其多屬綜合性度假村(Integrated Resort, IR),其利潤僅三到四成來自博弈,其他多來自表演、會議、餐飲、購物等。且博奕事業合法化不僅可將地下經濟化暗為明,亦可豐富地方與國家財源。如澳門的國內生產毛額之成長主要來自賭場收入,進而附帶提升娛樂、旅館、當舖、珠寶、房地產等等。此種模式讓澳門在2007年的博奕產業總收入達到92億美元。

再以發展博弈較具歷史的英國為例。英國雖是合法開放,惟經營賭場必須申請核准,期限原則上為三年,且進入賭場者須於48小時前向有關單位登記。向賭博場所課徵之稅捐包括賭場權利金、賭博收入稅、賓果稅以及賭博機器權利金等,皆為地方與國家的重要財源。

有鑒於澳門的成功,凡事講求廉能與效率的新加坡也加入博奕事業的行列,在2009年完成綜合家庭娛樂度假中心的規劃,並設置兩座賭場來吸引外國觀光客。即使是佛教國家如泰國和日本,也都基於振興旅遊業等考量,進行開放賭場的可行性研究。目前在全球所有國家中,已有136個以上國家設有合法賭場,至今沒有開放賭場的國家大多是伊斯蘭教國家。

以台灣而言,博弈產業所需的電腦及遊戲軟體主要來自台灣,且台灣廠商在全球博奕機台的市占率高達七成。因此,若能結合開放大陸觀光客政策,一年約可創造250億元產值,以及30萬工作機會。


開放博弈爭議多
台灣很早就有在離島設置觀光賭場的規劃,從最初的「離島建設條例」中的構想,到行政院跨部會小組所研擬的國際觀光度假區。但政府及民間一直都有不同的聲音,始終難以定案。

若以澎湖來看,澎湖擁有得天獨厚的自然景觀與文化資產,但由於冬季東北季風盛行阻礙觀光發展,缺乏就業機會,人口逐年外流。多年以來,澎湖大力推動觀光旅遊,然成果有限。為了瞭解當地居民的看法,在過去的十餘年中,針對博弈議題,澎湖已歷經十餘次的民調及一次諮詢性公投。若以平均值來看,則贊成設置觀光賭場者占48.94%,不贊成者(含非常或不太贊成)占38.4%,無意見者則占12.3%。若將贊成者與無意見者加入,則其比率高達六成。

誠然,開放博弈的副作用也很多,其所引起的社會、文化、治安等問題,政府亦須有能力處理與管控。此外,開放博弈的討論應有充分資訊,讓民間展現成熟公民社會的討論及參與能力,避免僅由政治人物或特定利益團體所把持。

總之,在滿足人性需求、就業需要、經濟發展、國際經驗等多重因素下,開放博弈事業應是可考量的政策。若開放博奕事業勢在必行,政府應致力的便是「積極開放」與「有效管理」了。



更多關於是否開放博弈的討論,請看

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox}media/articles/XieMingRui_gamble.jpg{/rokbox}

週三, 29 七月 2009

穿越和平─集體恐懼下的災難

口述/朱賢哲 整理/林思慧 攝影/林勝發
本文亦見於2009年9月號《人籟》論辨月刊


----------------------------------------
紀錄片名:《穿越和平》
導演:朱賢哲
得獎紀錄:2007 南方影展最佳紀錄片
2008 入圍台北電影節 台北電影獎
2008 台灣國際紀錄片雙年展 【國際競賽短片】優等獎
播放日期:2007/5(公共電視《紀錄觀點》)
----------------------------------------



2005年,我從新聞得知SARS期間被媒體封為「落跑醫師」的周經凱醫師(註) 的一件官司在法院獲得勝訴。這個消息引起了我的興趣,透過管道我拜訪到周醫師,才知道原來在那個時候,周醫師是SARS期間和平醫院封院過程中受到最重懲處的人。我感到荒謬,和平封院是何等大事,如果必須追究責任,怎麼會是如周醫師這樣層級的人來負擔?這個疑惑,激起了我拍攝《穿越和平》的念頭。接下來的一年半,我開始走訪和平封院時期的相關當事人,為拍片作準備。

為釐清和平封院的責任,我採訪了當時中央政府、地方主管機關的主事者、事件相關人員及醫學、法律專家。從訪談中我們可以知道,造成和平封院時多名醫護人員及病人死亡的悲劇是一連串錯誤的累積。其中最主要的原因是和平醫院公然隱匿疫情、台北市衛生局決策及處理失當,及和平封院後缺乏相關配套措施。但這場悲劇也是台灣社會利益取向的結果,更是人性對未知疾病恐懼的反映。

如同片子裡公共衛生學者詹長權教授指出的,現在台灣的醫院為了競爭與生存都要拚業績,這也造成整個醫療體系過度重醫療而輕公衛。和平醫院高層當初之所以隱瞞院內存在疑似病歷,無非是害怕一旦消息傳出,醫院將會難以營運。但如果早在疫情初期,就讓院內工作同仁瞭解情況,大家的警覺性就會提升,結果可能不會如此慘重。

當時中央政府一再排除可能病例,和掌管地方的台北市政府的鴕鳥心態,也反映了政府重視表面成績的心態。就中央政府而言,雖然疾病管制局早已接到和平醫院通報三名疑似病例,但當時台灣尚未傳出確定病例,而政府正召開全球首場SARS國際研討會,推動台灣加入世界衛生組織,因此政府有意塑造出一種形象──台灣的防疫工作比中國先進。只要維持三零化(零社區感染、零死亡、零輸出)這個漂亮的成績,台灣在國際上就很容易與中國區隔。因此,我們很難不懷疑疾管局的專家們排除病例的決定,沒有受當時政治氛圍的影響。而對台北市政府而言,他們也害怕自己管轄的地區出現病例,成為媒體打擊的目標。中央政府、地方政府、醫院的心態,間接導致了事件擴大。

此外,SARS期間民眾的集體恐懼及焦慮,也在封院事件中扮演了重要的角色。我們甚至可以說封鎖醫院是一種集體恐懼的表現。還記得和平醫院封院時,社會大眾在媒體的引導下,多數覺得封院是唯一的選擇。「我們把這些人全部關起來,不關起來大家都會受害。」這個邏輯清楚明白,方法又簡單方便──把可能染病的人全關起來,其他人就能安全。

但這顯然不是唯一的方法,翻閱當時的報章媒體,就能發現有很多專家提出不同意見。可是面對SARS這樣嚴重的流行病,政府也有很大的社會壓力,官員也很焦慮,社會大眾的恐懼帶給政府的壓力淹沒了專業意見。

SARS造成整個社會的恐懼,透過媒體恐懼被放大、加深。而那些因此被封鎖在和平醫院的人,面對不明的狀況,其實更為驚惶。這種種的恐懼,主要來自我們對疾病的無知。回想當年,我也與一般民眾的看法相同,在訪問周醫師時,我就曾對他說,「如果你當初住我隔壁,我大概會找警察來把你抓進去。」因為我不知道他會不會傳染給我,要是他真的住我隔壁,我大概會嚇死。行政體系犯的錯,除了執行決策者個人專業能力不足,背後其實也是一般民眾集體恐懼的反映。


註:和平封院後,醫院全體員工被召回醫院進行集中隔離。周經凱醫師根據自身專業判斷,認為和平醫院無法妥善做好隔離措施,強制員工返院只會造成更多感染,因此拒絕返院自行居家隔離,後迫於警察要強制拘提,周醫師於5月1日返回和平醫院。



線上觀賞《穿越和平》
《穿越和平》

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox}media/articles/ZhuXianZhe_HePing.jpg{/rokbox}

週五, 12 六月 2009

The Resilience of the Party-State Model

It is now official: from July on, Ma Ying-jeou will add to the position of President of Taiwan, that of Chairman of the Kuomintang (KMT). The move is hardly surprising: Ma has difficulties in controlling his own party; he needs stronger leverage over the parliamentary group, to impose nominees during the next elections, and to make his policies prevail, notably when it comes to relationships with China. Furthermore, presiding over the KMT should allow him, eventually, to meet with Hu Jintao – and such a meeting will be one between two party chiefs, thus putting aside many embarrassing questions about protocol and Taiwan’s international status.

This might be a smart political move – but hardly a laudable one. It shows how resilient remains the model of the Party-State in Taiwan – a stain in an otherwise democratic political culture. Both the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party structures were shaped according to the Leninist model, which draws out a way of controlling and monopolizing power, independently from any ideological content. The Party-State model has even inspired the party that was founded to oppose the Kuomintang’s dominant position, i.e. the DPP. During the time of the Chen Shui-bian‘s presidency, Chen was sometimes the party’s chairman, and sometimes not, according to circumstances. Also, the DPP showed some disquieting signs of trying to substitute itself to the control of the State apparatus as was done previously held by the KMT. Due to the minority position of its internal division on the Legislative Yuan it was prevented from doing so. Its revival and moral status as an opposition party will largely depend on its capacity to fully modernize its political outlook and to further contribute to Taiwan’s democratization. There is no “providential man (or woman)” who will save the DPP and Taiwan by concentrating all powers between their hands, as some supporters still seem inclined to believe.

In a fully democratic culture, a Chief of State should not preside over a political party (though of course he often unofficially retains ultimate control over the one from which he comes.) The Chief of State has to keep the moral capacity of being a referee in times of troubles or national division. Conversely, in a parliamentary regime, the Prime Minister can be the chief of the party holding the majority: a Chief of State, who only enjoys limited powers, still incarnates the State’s legitimacy. This might sound like a formal requirement, but it has profound significance, and the fact that Taiwan’s Presidents are still prone to double-up as party chiefs, is a sad remanent from the political past of the country.

There is another reason to lament the taking-over of the KMT’s chairmanship by Ma Ying-jeou: Clearly, China is in favor of developing party-to-party negotiations. The reconstitution of a Party-State structure, even if mitigated by Taiwan’s otherwise democratic institutions, makes it easier for China to engage Taiwan in a political agreement on its own terms. Should Taiwan play its hand by mimicking the Party-State structure that is at the core of China’s system, or should it remain faithful to the spirit that has made it the most vibrant Asian democracy, and thus continuing to offer to China the insight that comes from its political experiment?

Clearly, the new atmosphere that reigns between China and Taiwan has many beneficial aspects, and is conducive to changes not only for the nature of the cross-strait relationship but also, potentially, on China’s political system. However, there is a question mark about the course on which Taiwan is ready to embark further smoothen the relationship and about the nature of the concessions it is ready to make to that effect. The fact that the Chief of State will become once again Chairman of the KMT is bringing back a strong stench of the past, and is sending the wrong signal.

(Drawing by Li Jinyuan)


週二, 12 五 2009

節能●減碳●綠屋頂

讓你家的屋頂綠意盎然,讓整座島嶼少一座發電廠。

台北縣星光大道社區總幹事江育賢告訴我們,節能減碳的小技巧也能有大功效。

附加的多媒體:
{rokbox size=|544 384|thumb=|images/slideshow_tw.jpg|}media/articles/JIangYuchien_greeRooftop.swf{/rokbox}

週五, 01 五 2009

From City Network to Network City

Jürgen Rosemann introduces here the the transformation of the Randstad Holland. Click on the right part of the presentation to go to the next page (click on the left part to go back to the previous page).

Attached media :
{rokbox size=|544 384|thumb=|images/slideshow_en.jpg|}media/articles/JurgenRosemann_From_City_Network_to_Network_City.swf{/rokbox}
第 1 頁,共 10 頁

捐款

捐款e人籟,為您提供更多高品質的免費內容

金額: 

事件日曆

« 三月 2017 »
星期一 星期二 星期三 星期四 星期五 星期六 星期日
    1 2 3 4 5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12
13 14 15 16 17 18 19
20 21 22 23 24 25 26
27 28 29 30 31    

目前有 2694 個訪客 以及 沒有會員 在線上