Erenlai - Displaying items by tag: 中國
Monday, 23 June 2014 00:00

Book Review: Evan Osnos 'Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth and Faith in the New China'


This is a great, accessible read, that offers a map for those interested in picking their way through the minefield of press reports on China, ranging from the "China threat" myth perpetuated by some of the Western press and the "China is the best thing since sliced bread" line served up by China's state media.

 

On my first read I felt a little uncomfortable with the same old rhetoric trotted out about China at the start of this book, which set out the argument that China is traditionally a "collective" society in contrast to the "individualist" Western society. The logic seemed slightly confused for me, as the timeline jumped around a bit, citing Liang Qichao's invocation of Cromwell to illustrate China's collectivism, and contrasting this to the ideals of Greek society - despite the fact that Cromwell is also "Western". This became a lot clearer, however, when I heard a Sinica podcast on the subject, which makes the division between wheat growing cultures, herding cultures and rice-growing cultures, and explains that this division is not so necessarily East/West, but also divides different places in China. It also clarified what is actually meant by "individualist" and "collectivist" societies, which may sometimes be slightly counter-intuitive:

 

Listen to it here.

 

This also reminded me of an interview that I had subtitled on the differences between Western art and Chinese art that had sparked a long discussion between me and a Taiwanese friend, when she revealed that she thought there was inherent differences between Western and (ethnically or culturally) Chinese people, whereas I've always been in the "people are essentially the same" camp - it's just about relative conservatism. The interview was with Tim Yip, the art director for Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, who was talking about differences between Western and Chinese art:

 

 

I thought that it was a little inappropriate to contrast Chinese traditional art or furniture to Andy Warhol and concept art, as if that's representative of Western tradition, but it sparked an interesting conversation with my friend and Yip raises some interesting points on the role of the artist and of religion in traditional Western art and how perceived individualism and collectivism impinges on artistic expression, although I felt his idea of Eastern tradition sounded a lot like Plato's plane of ideal forms, despite my friend's protestations that I just wasn't understanding spacial dimensions of the Chinese word "境界" - which I think I translated as "aura" but could easily have been "paradigm".

 

I've regularly engaged Taiwanese friends on the cultural exceptionalism they often use to define themselves, but am yet to find a difference that is greater than the cultural divide between me and my maternal grandmother, although in China I thought that the culture gap was a lot larger. I thought Osnos made an effort throughout the book to undermine this cultural relativism later in the book, however, by presenting a wide range of interesting and diverse individuals throughout the book, and I even suspected that this was a deliberate attempt by the author to undermine this kind of generalization. He actively debunks many of the prevalent ideas about Chinese cultural differences, particularly with the common stories featured in the news about accidents or attacks in China which include a heartless onlooker trope, like in the story about a woman attacked and killed in a McDonald's across the street from a police station by members of a pseudo-religious organization while other patrons just looked on, or this story about a man in Yunnan who was jeered at and told to get on with it, when he was threatening to jump to his death in Yunnan. This is often attributed to a difference in cultural norms, and I've even heard some ex-pats insist that China has too many people for individual life to be of any value. Osnos does a good job of undercutting this trope, with reference to the case of a young girl who was killed in a hit-and-run killing, and whose body was passed over by several people before a trash collector found her and tried to get her help. By fleshing out the story and letting us see that the "heartless onlookers" in the eye-grabbing headline are more human than we'd like them to be portrayed, when he visits them and asked them why they failed to help her:

 

They were conscripted into a parable, but the morality play did not do justice to the layers of their lives.

 

Indeed, it's in his descriptions of people, that Osnos gives us some of the most well-crafted lines in the book, like, when describing a dating site founder, he says of her:

 

... she was propelled by bursts of exuberance and impatience, as if she were channeling China's industrial id.

 

Osnos is very insightful and sensitive in his portrayal of all the people that he presents to us in his book, and they appear completely unvarnished, giving readers an insight into how high-profile figures in the West, like Ai Weiwei are viewed in China. He knows a lot of key figures in China's art and media scene, which allows him to pepper the book with comments from figures from China's literary and arts scene, like Wang Shuo and Jia Zhangke, while he still gives equal weight to the Chinese everyman and those whose ambitions were never realized.

 

There's an incredible range of facts in the book and lots of interesting detail, which give us the context to decisions announced dryly by the state press, and allow for a more rounded interpretation of the logic and aims of the Communist Party and what dilemmas they face as China continues to develop, along with the ideological impact of the choices they make, like the decision in 2002 to change references to the party from "revolutionary party" to "party in power," for example.

 

I was also fascinated to solve a question that I still remember from my third year course in Chinese at Leeds in the UK, when we translated a text with the term "bobozu" (波波族) and there had been a debate as to where the term came from, with one of my coursemates informing us that it was an acronym for "burnt out but opulent," which didn't seem very relevant to the China we had left the previous year. Osnos reveals that a satirical sociological book by David Brooks had been translated into Chinese a few years earlier called Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There and had become a bestseller, "bourgeious bohemians" being the "bobo" or "bubo" in question, although I still like my classmate's explanation better.

 

Osnos' book is also very funny, with little tidbits of information that will have you chuckling, such as night schools teaching Chinese to spit liquor into their tea to avoid getting drunk when out with their bosses and the state-media accusing a Chinese nationalist blogger of being a fifty-center (paid by government to keep the public internet debate in line amongst other funny tales.

 

There's also a real insight into the power of nationalism in the book, captured by the author in the words of Lu Xun on foreigners:

 

We either look up to them as gods or down on them as animals.

 

The way tools, such as patriotism, xenophobia and nationalism, are deployed in China, by the state, the media and individuals is highlighted by the author throughout the book, as well as how the state censorship machine really functions on the ground.

 

A worthwhile read for anyone with even a passing interest in China who wants to understand what China is really all about, and the people that constitute its citizenry. The book is divided into the three sections that are the three things most discussed in references to China by outsiders - "fortune" referring to is now the cliched "meteoric rise" of China's economy, "truth" dealing with the media in China and censorship, and finally faith, dealing with what people often refer to as the spiritual poverty of China, and how this is rapidly changing as China opens up and people look for something beyond the physical.

 

5/5 Must read

 

This was originally published on Conor's blog, check it out here.


Wednesday, 29 August 2012 18:02

教科書背後的中國身影

(照片提供:香港學民思潮)

東亞地區的教科書爭議,經常跟中國扯上關係。多年來,日本教科書關於中日戰爭的種種歷史書寫,引發中國政府嚴重抗議。香港在1997年主權移交之後,內地化持續加溫,港人則以本土化回應之。近年來中港兩地爭執的事例愈來愈多,最新一樁是,港府預訂在中小學實施「德育及國民教育科」的必修課,背後的推力是擔心日漸流失民心的北京政府。根據一份最近民意調查,香港人認同自己是中國人的,只有16%。2011年,中國政協主席賈慶林向香港訪問團說:要做好80後青年工作,引導他們成為「愛國愛港的新生力量」。很多香港人擔心,「國民教育」將成為「洗腦」的工具。而香港中聯辦的官員,也曾在微博上說:國民教育是必要的「洗腦」。台灣的變化,發生在2008年國民黨重新拿回政權之後。馬政府的親北京姿態,伴隨著去本土化的政策傾向。修改高中歷史課綱的爭議,正在台灣延燒。馬政府指摘說,現有的歷史課綱有「皇民化」、「台獨化」的問題。

日台港三地的教科書爭議起源於不同的政治脈絡,但背後都有中國的巨大身影。東亞的教科書問題,其實與中國的崛起與擴張政策息息相關。

本文把焦點放在台灣的教科書修改爭議。台灣從1986年進入政治自由化的階段,1990年代推動民主制度,2000年民進黨陳水扁獲選總統,台灣正式進入民主鞏固的階段。這一段民主化的歷史,伴隨著國民黨大中華意識形態的退潮,以及台灣本土意識與台灣人認同的高漲。台灣的歷史地理教科書在戒嚴時代充斥著擁護統治者意識形態的神話,從歷史敘事、地圖編制中清晰可見。例如,統治中國的政黨叫做「共匪」、蒙古國仍然屬於中華民國的領土、台灣史課程相對於中國史不成比例的稀薄、避談國家(國民黨)犯下的暴力罪行。1990年代之後,教科書的修改,是民主化的一項重要課題,社會從此有機會步向正常化的過程;教科書改正也是轉型正義的一個重點。

 

不正常社會的一個重要表徵是雙重標準。日本殖民者於太平洋戰爭期間在其屬地徵召「慰安婦」,是一件必須被揭露、批判的劣行。國民黨與統派人士對此極力批判。然而,在戒嚴時代,國民黨也在金門馬祖設置「軍中特約茶室」,從台灣徵召「軍妓」送往前線服務中華民國官兵。但是,國民黨對於這個由軍隊管理的「軍中樂園」卻諱莫如深。

馬英九政府的主權觀,是冷戰威權時代不正常社會的遺緒。二戰後釣魚台的歸屬,牽涉到日台中三國。台灣曾經在1970年代初期爆發過保衛釣魚台主權的學生運動。馬英九即屬保釣世代。據說馬英九本人曾研究釣魚台的問題。近年來,釣魚台歸屬爭議再起,台灣又被捲入其中,而一部分抱持中國民族主義的人士,要求政府強硬保護「釣魚台主權」,並將釣魚台問題列入教科書中。專攻台灣史的周婉窈教授指出:

在近代國家興起之前,沒有世界上每塊土地、每座島嶼都要屬於某個國家的假設。十九世紀八○年代以前,東亞海域有若干島嶼是無所屬,或是多重隸屬,但是近代國家不允許這種情況,今天東亞國家之間的爭執有部分來自於近代國家的這種假設,而且,伴隨著近代國家而興起的民族主義更是「寸土必爭」。但是,如果我們回到東亞近代國家陸續興起之前的海洋世界,有些島嶼從來就不屬於哪一國,例如釣魚台,既不屬於日本,也不屬於中國;在琉球成為日本的領土之前,釣魚台也並不屬於琉球國。海洋史的研究很清楚告訴我們這個歷史事實。

稍有海洋史知識的人都知道:在帆船時代,釣魚台群島、黃尾嶼、赤尾嶼都是無人島,沒有港口,船隻無法停靠──除非撞島擱淺。根據葉高華等學者的研究,1971年以前中華民國軍方的地圖都沒包括釣魚台,更不要說地理課本了。保釣運動之後,釣魚台才在地圖上成為中華民國的領土。

周婉窈的文章指出,釣魚台並非任何國家的「固有領土」。根據最新研究,顯然是保釣運動創造了釣魚台主權歸屬中華民國的神話。教科書的編纂對於這一類議題本來就應該採取小心求證的謹慎態度。「中國的民族主義往往建立在『非歷史的主張』,也就是違反歷史事實的宣稱。例如,中國宣稱台灣自古就是中國的領土,西藏也是,新疆也是。那是遠離歷史的說法。」

但是,國民黨現在卻要扭轉教科書正常化的潮流,其動力是馬英九一向秉持的中華民族史觀。他在2008年的就職典禮上就曾經提過「兩岸人民同屬中華民族」。2010年教育部公佈新高中國文課綱,將全部是文言文的「中華文化基本教材」,從「選修」改為「必選」。這一次,根據報導:

馬主席提到,辦公桌上現正放著一疊即將出版的高中歷史教科書,看了覺得很荒謬… 目前他已責成教育部盡快處理這個問題,有關內容違反《憲法》的一些台獨化、皇民化的內容,應該要刪除;台灣史、中國史應該要合併為「本國史」,這才符合《憲法》的既定國策。(《旺報》2012.07.13)

數日後,國民黨發言人再次強調,「課綱編寫必須不違背中華民國憲法文字及精神,修訂時也應以憲法為標準」。(《聯合報》2012.07.16)

教科書課綱修改由總統直接下令執行,並祭出憲法大旗,乍看令人驚訝,但這牽涉到國民黨文化霸權的保衛戰,並且藉之再一次貶抑本土價值。過去幾年來,馬英九政府總是用這樣的公式,來辯護他的政策:(A)遵守憲法 +(B) 該政策自從李登輝和陳水扁時代即採行 +(C)以生命捍衛中華民國主權

備受爭議的「九二共識」、「一國兩區」,馬英九採取的都是同一套修辭策略。「九二共識」與「一國兩區」,向「一中原則」靠攏。教科書修改則向「中國文化」與「中華道統」靠攏。兩者都在抵制本土化的潮流,或是民進黨立委所說的「去台灣化」。然而,馬英九的大陸政策雖然讓兩岸經貿關係更加緊密,但台灣人身分認同卻愈加高漲;馬英九的聲望也滑落到歷史低點。在此民意背景下,馬英九的逆勢操作顯得極為突兀。是什麼樣的力量催化了這些「反動政策」?而馬英九的中國政策在台灣選民與反對黨的壓力下,又呈現了哪些擺盪?

 

馬英九就任總統之後,急速推動與北京簽署一系列包括ECFA的協議。近年來,台灣的公民團體(例如守護民主平台、兩岸協議監督聯盟等組織)一再要求政府將人權列入兩岸協議項目。2012年6-7月間,中台談判投資保護協議陷入膠著,爭議的問題之一是關於台商在中國的人身自由。因此,原來預定在6月底舉行的「台北會談」(名義上是學術研討會),馬政府拒發簽證給幾位具有官員與解放軍背景的中方代表,而使台北會談「破局」;而預定於同一期間舉行的第八次江陳會也取消。

《中評社》一篇發自北京的評論質問:「陸委會是否清楚台灣政黨輪替的政治意義?到底是代表了誰的立場?究竟在兩岸關係和平發展的進程中扮演什麼角色?」這段粗魯的話語直指「政黨輪替的政治意義」,似乎在對馬政府嗆聲:是我幫你選上總統的,你怎麼不照我的劇本辦事?台北會談主辦者的「破局說」,破的是誰的局?

長久以來,中共在香港培育了許多「愛國團體」。台灣也有類似的「愛國團體」。套用香港人的說法,熱愛祖國者,有「舊電池」和「忽然愛國」之分。台灣歷史悠久的統左團體「夏潮聯誼會」,其中許多成員曾經做過國民黨的黑牢,在冷戰時代歷經殘酷壓迫,他們一直把希望寄託在「祖國」。民進黨執政之後,統左團體微妙變化,許多人對「第三次國共合作」抱持歡迎的態度。

最近幾年,台灣則出現了一些新的組織,例如兩岸統合學會,根據這個學會的自我介紹,其組織緣起包括:「為抵禦民進黨政府台獨走向,促進兩岸和平發展的重要政治性社會運動團體。」2012年6月「破局」的台北會談,在台灣的籌劃單位就是兩岸統合學會。分析台北會談預定舉行的時間點,會發現這個「學術研討會」與延後的第八次江陳會、香港「回歸」十五週年慶典活動緊密排列。這些是巧合嗎?而馬政府顧慮台北會談「偏離到學術研討會以外的範圍」而拒發簽證,顯然也非突發之舉。

更加「巧合」的是:推動教科書修改的團體除了夏潮等統左團體之外,還包括兩岸統合學會的成員,而這個學會的要角還在最近被馬政府任命為「高中歷史教科書審定委員」。這一系列台灣內外的事件,指向一個事實,就是:台灣已然浮現一個具有組織性的統派的「國土復歸運動」(irredentist movement)。這個運動的目標,如其揭示,以「反獨」、「導正兩岸關係」為宗旨;並且延伸到反本土化。

讓我們複習一下揭開國共合作序幕的2005年「胡連公報」:

為中華民族實現光明燦爛的願景,兩黨共同體認到,堅持「九二共識」,反對「台獨」,謀求臺海和平穩定,促進兩岸關係發展,維護兩岸同胞利益是兩黨的共同主張。

反獨,讓相互鬥爭仇恨了超過半個世紀的國共兩黨結合在一起。國民黨從冷戰時代的反共、恐共,忽然跳躍到國共合作。為什麼有這樣的歷史斷裂?原因再明白不過了。

台灣的歷史經驗顯示:沒有適當而生根的本土價值網絡,就不可能維繫民主化運動,因為本土化並非狹隘族群意識的反映,而是「生活在台灣」此一安身立命的社會需求。即便在「全球化」統御世界的潮流下,這個命題仍然有效。「國土復歸派」在台灣的操作,正透過蠶食本土的價值,進而毀壞民主的根基。過去二十年台灣民意調查,顯示統獨對立的格局正在緩解,代之以「維持現狀」(亦即,維持中華民國在台灣之實質獨立地位)。而新的衝擊則來自外部的「中國因素」。換言之,台灣人民如何看待自身與中國大陸的關係,會決定他們的政治身分認同,以及總統選舉的投票抉擇。如何處理來自中國之政治軍事威脅以及經濟利益誘惑,已經成為台灣最重要的政治問題之一。

觀察最近的事例,馬政府在兩岸後續協商談判上呈現擺盪。搖擺的原因一方面是中方在保障台灣人在中國的人權議題上不肯讓步(最近甚至以國家安全的理由逮捕了造訪中國的台灣人),另一方面北京對馬政府的「宗主姿態」,也讓民選的總統馬英九倍感壓力。然而,馬政府執行「大中華文化復興」是意志堅定的,因為這攸關國民黨長期以來在台灣享有的文化霸權地位。

如果只從短期的政權輪替看問題,教科書的反覆修改,乃是受到政治力的牽引:藍--> 綠 --> 藍。當人們陷在這個層次思考時,很容易被主流媒體的烏賊戰術所迷惑,藍綠各打五十大板,而卡在藍綠惡鬥的思維。其實教科書的問題本質不是藍綠政黨之爭,而是更深遠的問題。

 

類殖民的文化政策

拉長歷史的深度,放寬地緣政治的視野,教科書問題其實「本土民主+轉型正義」vs.「CCP+KMT大中華霸權」的拉鋸戰,在這個歷史性的戰場上,本土派本來就處於劣勢,何況現在又是國民黨執政。即使在民進黨執政期間(2000-2008年),任何傾向本土化、社會正常化的政策,經常被主流媒體塗抹成「民粹」、「鎖國」。台灣主流新聞媒體機構的大腦,始終烙印著大中華思想:訴諸草根民主就有被指責為「民粹」的危險;對中國政策保持謹慎以對的態度就是「鎖國」。

教科書問題的根源是,台灣在民主化過程中,尚未徹底處理解除殖民化(decolonization)。作為一個「外來政權」(émigré regime),國民黨在台灣長期執行過「內部殖民」或「類殖民」的文化政策。 1945年,國民黨從日本手中取得台灣之後,進行了它自己規劃的「解殖」,把日人資產全數收編為黨國企業;大量原先使用日文的台灣知識階層失去了公職與工作,在中國民族主義的霸權論述下遭受污名化。知識分子突然成為「文盲」,重新學習「祖國」的語言、歷史、地理、文化經典。一整套黨國意識形態透過教育體制灌輸到各個階層,透過廣播、電視、與報紙的壟斷進行「系統性洗腦」。

民主化勢必會解除這些殖民式的文化政策,也會損及既得利益與既有思維(例如主張中學國文教科書應該放入大量古文文本者)。因此,國民黨在拿回政權之後,諸種去本土化的施政,性質上是「反動政治」(reactionary politics)。政治學者赫敘曼(Albert Hirschman)在《反動的修辭》這部名著中指出:那些試圖推翻「進步」思想或政策的人,經常會動用反動論述的策略,他們會在口頭上贊同進步價值,然後再試圖翻案說,這種進步政策經常會導致一些非意圖的結果,而且通常是惡果。民主化之後的台灣,有人緬懷起蔣經國,美化了他對台灣的「貢獻」。這種論述所動用的話語策略就是赫敘曼筆下典型的反動修辭:民主雖然是好的,但是民主導致了黑金派系和政府無能。對比之下,蔣經國時代就成為「效率」與「廉潔」的美好回憶。威權的遺緒,這樣一寸寸爬了回來。人們淡忘了:蔣經國為了控制台灣社會,培育地方派系,施予這些派系經營特定壟斷產業的特權,並鼓勵派系之間競爭而達成分而治之的效果。

 

愛國主義侵蝕文明發展

香港此刻面對實施「國民教育科」的爭議。背後仍是中國民族主義、中國的「國家核心利益」、中國霸權文化擴張等問題。1980年代初期中英開啟談判時,鄧小平的一句香港主權回歸之後「馬照跑、舞照跳」,已經揭露了香港將來命運的不祥之兆。中共將延續香港物質主義的生活邏輯,但是並不允諾任何解殖之後的草根民主化要求。諷刺的是,香港公民社會之所以茁壯,正因為主權移交之後中共的諸種作為導致了港人的反感與反抗。一部試圖強化控制社會的國家機器,引起了一個自我培力的公民社會的成長。香港公民的反國民教育洗腦,其意義就是在抗拒財大氣粗的「祖國殖民主義」,在抵抗大中華文化霸權對地方社會文化的侵蝕破壞。

中國大陸社會本身,長期以來也深受惡質的愛國主義教育之苦。民族主義的重擔,已經把幾個世代以來的中國人民壓得喘不過氣。一直以來,中南海的統治精英都以廣大人民的民族主義情緒,作為國力擴張的說辭。這種愛國主義民粹的本源正是國家的教育政策。台灣的民主化經驗顯示:一旦國家宣傳機器不得不放鬆意識形態控制,愛國主義的情緒就會急速緩解,社會才有機會走向正常化、文明化的道路。大中華民族主義的弊害,不止台灣人受害,今天的中國人受害尤烈。海峽和平論,應該是兩個社會的永久和平,而不是兩個不義政權之間的私相授受。

 

社會應回歸正常化

香港政府擬定「國民教育」、台灣國民黨政府恢復「中華文化基本教材」與修改教科書課綱,背後可見中華文化霸權的巨大身影。中台港的民族主義議題,有其各自的政治脈絡,也都有著共同的歷史地緣背景,亦即,中國崛起帶給東亞地區的衝擊。兩岸三地的公民社會,陸續展開跨海峽公共領域的溝通,拋除「國家之眼」,改以社會的角度看待問題。回到社會正常化的路途,讓社會與社會之間能夠互相讀懂對方,對民族主義霸權加諸社會的破壞,提出深刻的理解與批判。

(作者為中央研究院社會學研究所副研究員,台灣守護民主平台成員)

原文刊載於2012.07.26《陽光時務》http://www.isunaffairs.com/?p=9740

 

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Tuesday, 27 December 2011 18:12

Yi Migrant Workers in Chengdu

Though the numbers change according to economic circumstances, an estimated 150-200 million Chinese rural workers are living and working in cities. They often face discrimination in housing, education, healthcare and employment due to their temporary status, though several cities are working towards improving their conditions. Employers often take advantage of internal migrants’ vulnerable status by withholding billions of Yuan in unpaid wages. Also, school and healthcare fees have a disproportionate impact on migrant workers, whose incomes are on average lower than other urban residents. For migrant families, various additional fees make attendance at state schools unfeasible. Furthermore, most migrants in China’s cities live without health insurance, rarely visit a doctor, and only go to the hospital in the most extreme cases of illness or injury.

The above is especially true when it comes to “ethnic minority migrant workers.” Altogether, 56 "nationalities" are officially recognized in China, the Han and 55 “national minorities". The Yi nationality is one of these national minorities. The various subgroups belonging to entity are spread throughout the provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan and Guizhou, totaling more than seven million people (five million in Yunnan, two millions in Sichuan). In Sichuan, most Yi people live in Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture. The Autonomous Prefecture covers over sixty thousand square kilometers. It comprises seventeen counties and about five hundred major villages with a total population of more than four million, more than 2 million of the inhabitants being Yi. The relative prosperity of its capital, Xichang city, does not hide the fact that the Liangshan Prefecture is the third poorest among the 30 autonomous prefectures in China. The altitude ranges on the whole from 2000 to 3000 meters, with the highest peak at 5,959 meters.

One can find migrant workers from Liangshan in most of the major cities of China. Many group together in Sichuan’s capital. There are no statistics on the number of Yi migrant workers living in Chengdu, mainly because of the very high volatility of this population (many migrants only stay a few days or a few weeks), and of the low visibility of the Yi community (Yi migrants don’t wear ethnic clothes and look very similar to other migrants). The proximity with Liangshan makes Chengdu one of the natural destinations for inexperienced migrants who want to benefit from the presence of Yi fellows in the city, and older migrants who favor the possibility of returning home regularly to take care of their family.

In contrast with the Tibetan community, Yi people in Chengdu seem very scattered. There are almost no Yi shops, only 1 or 2 Yi bars, almost no place where Yi people particularly enjoy gathering (except the Southwest University for Nationalities). The surroundings area of the two railway stations are known for attracting a number of poor Yi migrants who don’t know were to go and how to get started in Chengdu. The very poor east part of the city used to have some quasi-slums inhabited by drug-addicts, and it is said that many of them were Yi. But it seems that most Yi people in Chengdu are spread out in the city, or in suburb factories, and have relationship with small groups of friends from their native area. They are not strictly enclosed in Yi networks; on the contrary most of them also socialize with local Han people and migrants from other ethnic groups.

These photographs focus on a group of workers coming from the small township of Baiwu, the most distant part of Liangshan, in the Yanyuan district of Sichuan Province. Their ancestors’ lives consisted in farming and grazing sheep, a lifestyle that kept them working from sunrise to sunset every day. Later, through the acquaintances of relatives and friends they went to Chengdu and began to hire themselves out as workers.

As many have not even graduated from primary school and are without any special skills, most of them can only do hard physical labor, such as construction workers or furniture movers. Some also work in restaurants or as security guards. The work is strenuous, the labor very intense and income is low (around 700-800 Yuan per month or even lower, food and rent not included).

The Yi workers range in age from 20 to 40 years old, so they are carrying the twin burdens of supporting their elders and caring for their children, who sometimes number three or four (minorities are exempt from the one child policy). They still have to send money back home (around 500 Yuan per month) in order to satisfy the demanding expectations and desires of their families back in their hometowns.

To save money, several workers rent a single room together so each one only pays 50 to 60 Yuan per month. The living conditions are barely adequate and the hygiene extremely poor. They buy their own food and cook extremely simple meals themselves. When someone from the same province celebrates his birthday, everyone goes together to a small restaurant to share a meal. This is their most extravagant luxury in this big city. Sometimes they allow themselves the pleasure of going to watch a movie. Their social interactions are constricted, with little room for intimacy, but they help each other whenever one of them gets sick or has problems.

The majority of the workers who are currently working in Chengdu are satisfied with the current situation because they consider it to be better than farming in their hometown or grazing sheep. It could be better, it could be worse: the workers are generally of a placid spirit. They frankly say that although the city of Chengdu is pleasurable, bustling and lively, they are only passing by. In the end, they will return to their land where their roots are.

Working as hired men gives them an opportunity to experience another style of life, and shows them their own deficiencies and shortcomings. All the workers also assert that they will do their best to allow the future generations a greater chance to study. Although each worker has his own aspirations and expectations concerning the future, the general wish is just to earn a little more money and go back home, in order to improve their own lives and those of their families.

Minority migrant workers are often the first victims of overall economic difficulties. If their experience in the cities is to be a meaningful one, it is urgent to teach them the skills that will later on help them build a sustainable future once they are back on their land.


Tuesday, 27 December 2011 00:00

The Festival of the Birth of the Prophet in Pi county, Sichuan

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The Festival of the Birth of the Prophet is one of the three most important Islamic festivals, it commemorates the birth and the death of the founder of Islam, Muhammad. On the 5th November 2006, the Festival of the Birth of the Prophet was held at the Pitong township mosque in Pi County, Sichuan. Before the festival, after the mosque's imam, Ma Rugang and the director of the management committee of the mosque, Ma Junru, have carried out prepatory arrangements for the festival, Muslims come to donate grains, oil, meat and money, and arrange for a groups of people to take responsibility for grinding the flour, buying certain items, frying flour-and-salt sesame oil cakes, cooking the meat and other dishes, the other odd jobs that the festival entails are all carried out by Muslim volunteers.
 

The Hui people see the different tasks surrounding the festival as good works, therefore, they often strive to outdo each other. Everyone takes part to decorate the gate, the main hall and the surroundings of the mosque with lanterns and streamers, and banners, the banners commemorate the calligraphy of Muhammad with Arabic writing, as well as incorporating slogans celebrating the festival. The festival normally lasts for two days, on the first day people come to the mosque in the evening to recite scriptures in praise of the Prophet, after the worship ceremony a symposium is held, the second day is a more formal commemoration. At the appointed time, the Muslims bathe and change their clothes, dressing up and congregating at the mosque to recite scripture, praise the Prophet and worship. The imam pronounces the main events in the life of Muhammad, his achievements and his moral character, as well as exciting historical tales about the hardships undergone in missionary work, of wisdom and bravery, of skill at debating and of war, instructing the Hui people not to forget the teachings of the Prophet, and to be good Muslims.

On this day Muslims also have to "taw/ba" (توبة rendered in Chinese as 討白 tǎobái), which means to repent. The Hui people believe: "Men are not sages or saints, how are they not to sin? To know thy sin and to correct it, that is the greatest of acts." (Chunqiu Zuozhuan: Xuangong Ernian). "Taw ba" consists of making up for their former misdeeds, asking God's forgiveness, promising not to continue in sin, and commiting oneself to this new course in life through good works. After the ritual, they dine together. Dozens of table laden with dishes are spread, everybody makes merry, in a feast together. As to those who had contributed to the meal by donating in the spirit of Niyyah (نیّة rendered 乜貼 niètiē in Chinese: the intention one evokes in his heart to do an act for the sake of Allah) but are unable to come themselves have to rely on friends, relatives and neighbours to bring a flour-and-salt cake for them to try1.

What makes the feast of the Prophet so special is that the people come together to praise the Prophet, the people donate things for a common goal and that the people eat together, which shows how united the Hui people are, and how they celebrate the festival imbued with the spirit of friendship. The Hui people of Pi County invite Muslims from the surroundings of Chengdu and even Aba Prefecture to celebrate the feast of the Prophet with them. As well as its ritual significance, this day is an opportunity for Muslims to interact with each other, the imams discuss theological issues and preaching methods with each other, and the Hui people wish one another well, and talk about all kinds of things, in an atmosphere of great joy. A group of students who, off their own backs, set up a Muslim student society at Sichuan University and Southwest University for Nationalities, volunteered to serve as stewards for the festival.

Translated from the Chinese by Conor Stuart, photos by Liang Zhun

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1. Interestingly Chinese sources ascribe the origin of this flour and salt cake as what Abu Ayyub al-Ansari prepared for Muhammad when his house was chosen to host the Prophet on his arrival in Medina, and was even purportedly named by the Prophet as 油香 yóuxiāng , although this cake does not appear in English language versions of the life of the Prophet. For Chinese version of the origin of this cake see here.

 

 

 


Sunday, 27 March 2011 16:08

撕破「文明」這塊遮羞布之後

「台灣需要陳光標嗎?」在鎂光燈強行曝光下的善行究竟掀開或撕破了什麼樣的問題?筆者從台灣社會經濟面向來探討此一事件及其對台灣所帶來的衝擊。



Friday, 25 February 2011 12:01

一個國家,兩種公民?

陸籍配偶在台灣社會屢遭歧視,多半被認為是民族主義惹的禍。然而透過對香港陸配問題的觀察,或許更能讓我們瞭解歧視背後的真正原因。



Thursday, 20 January 2011 17:23

羊圈啟示錄

2000年,《人籟》編輯主委魏明德遠赴四川涼山的羊圈村,開始幫助當地居民建立小學和水利系統。十年後,《人籟》發行人杜樂仁再度拜訪此地,而這次旅行究竟帶給他何種啟發?



Friday, 03 December 2010 00:00

謝幕之後

上海世博已近落幕。自開幕以來,經過六個月的時間,七千萬名遊客來來去去,但盛況過後,到底留下些什麼?

 


Friday, 29 October 2010 00:00

上海世博萬里長——排隊百姓的人間喜劇

打開地上的酒紅色行李箱,細細想著親友們提醒我的字句:「走路還好,逛逛看看隨時可以休息,排隊卡在那裡動彈不得,真的很累」。

 


Friday, 28 May 2010 04:26

含道映物天地心——李金遠繪畫讀後

從顧愷之到趙孟頫到董其昌,用了近1300年的時間,中國繪畫「後設語言體系」終於建立。畫家從元代開始,圖繪無不加入「筆墨歷史感」,創造自家風貌。


Tuesday, 24 March 2009 05:43

在大國神話的年代--

幸好還有一個劃地自限的小地方

大國崛起之外,是一首簡單的小情歌
並不太久以前的場景。
20世紀最後十年,高達3000億美元的資金流入中國,一股樂觀預估政治、經濟、文化的中國熱逐漸成形,人們似乎相信,在西方已呈現疲態的當代資本主義生活模式即將在亞洲得到延續。關於這整起事件的想像高潮在中國中央電視台拍攝的「大國崛起」中定調,這系列耗資鉅大的12集紀錄片論述自葡萄牙、西班牙以降的大國興衰史,順理成章的,中國就是下一個現代盟主的接班人。
2006年11月,央視在電視台夜間黃金時段播出這部影集,中國以傲人之姿正式向各方暗示自己即將接續美國的地位成為現代史上第十大世界超級強國,影片播出之後的確也引起各國對於該片熱烈討論。但就在與此同時,蘇打綠樂團啼聲初試的歌聲在台灣全島爆紅開來,歌詞告訴人們,這個世界其實:
是一首簡單的小情歌,
唱著人們心腸的曲折。(註1)
我們應當這樣觀察,較早經歷現代資本市場洗禮的台灣社會已經隱約凝聚一股另類的「小勢力」。當對岸的大國神話醞釀之時,標誌著台灣現代領域公共性的「小地方台灣社區新聞網」已經信心十足地以小為志業:
(字體與本文不同)因為每個人生活的地方,都是一個很小的地方,為了更瞭解彼此,所以希望有一個新聞平台,交換大家在各自的小地方發生的重要事情,因此我們在2004年底成立了「小地方新聞網」。(註2)
「因為每個人生活的地方,都是一個很小的地方」,簡單不過的句子,將新聞之眼拉到了更遠的地方,生活在每個小地方的你我更是值得被關注的主體:古法醃製的阿嬤蘿蔔、農曆年大肆張揚的么三六賭攤、辭去教職薪水縮減十倍的有機農業推廣者……,還有數不完的小事件、小人物。這種以小博大的創站宗旨,誠懇慈悲地重新界定現代人的生存感。在這個宗旨下,這時期的「小地方新聞網」主要由「上下游文化工場」擔任主要的編輯工作,旗美社大協助彙集並整理稿件,由生活在島嶼各地的寫手們擔任觀察員,每個月定期提供稿件在網站上交換分享。
2004年開站以來,小地方的文章寫山寫海、寫城市寫鄉村、寫舊居戶寫新移民、寫自然生態寫人文環境……
寫著島嶼上人們心腸的曲折。

什麼才是真實的?

我們不會忘記台灣電子媒體無時無刻標榜著第一手、及時、現場的SNG車帶來的噩夢。作為小眾傳媒,小地方沒有高科技機器製造出來的live新聞,但有時候,我們觀看一個事件需要更多現象之外的東西。也許不是戲劇性的英雄悲劇以及和樂大團圓,卻是起源於很久以前、正在發生,以及可以幫助我們思考未來應該怎麼辦的事實。
原住民議題一直是小地方網站關注的領域,不論是親自採訪或是轉載文章,這部分基本稱得上耕耘有成,從溪州部落拆遷抗爭、山海文學獎文化傳承到原住民部落大學建立部落主體事件,小地方補充了原住民從部落流浪至都市邊緣的生存史、跨界漢語創作的文學內部難題、回歸部落文化的多重考驗掙扎。
但有時候,很多事情是在更早以前就發生了,能幫助我們懷想傳統的還有祖靈的歌聲,2007年,小地方網站詳細報導了陸森寶紀念音樂會與原住民民歌發展的淵源。在招待天皇之弟的音樂會上,這個偉大的卑南族音樂靈魂曾被公開介紹:「他不是日本人,也不是漢人,是真正的臺灣人!他的能力比一般人強,他的名字叫 baliwakes (巴利瓦克斯)!」
當我們今天在主流媒體上看著胡德夫搭配著流行樂團在海邊舉辦露天搖滾演唱會,我們似乎忘記了在很久以前,陸森寶就這樣傳唱著台灣的海洋。
同樣身處於這個「國家」的我們,是不是也該了解或感同身受這些人,他們的生活、他們的生命、以及他們每天賴以生存的土地與家園,為什麼被剝奪走了呢?(註3)

台灣社會對於「小」的承認與追求,其實是可以有多層次的價值發展,在某種意義上來說,對於「小」的追求,就是人們轉換視角「以管窺天」,把野心放小,具體的在可親可愛的範圍內刻劃生活,細膩的一筆又一筆,生命於是因為乘載更豐富的歷史記憶而趨向真實有意義。從這個角度,小作為一種可親可愛的真實,其實也就是最適合台灣優勢的精緻生活。
在資源不豐、主流價值強勢的挑戰、工具理性無限擴大的年代,幸好還有一個畫地自限的小地方。
註1:蘇打綠〈小情歌〉專輯歌詞,2006。
註2:小地方新聞網改版宣言,2008年。
註3:小地方〈都原,都市邊緣〉一文引文,2007。
小地方 全文下載





本文亦見於2009年4月號《人籟論辨月刊》

2009_04想閱讀本期更多精采文章,請購買本期雜誌!

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Saturday, 16 August 2008 01:45

我想有個家

文‧攝影│梁准

我要寫的劉曉慶,不是大陸影星劉曉慶,而是四川地震災區一個與影星劉曉慶同名同姓的八歲女孩。她之所以給我留下深刻印象,不是因為她與影星同名同姓,而是因為她帶給我的感動,觸及靈魂和心靈。在此之前,我從未想到一個八歲女孩具有如此大的承受力。


曉慶的心事

在與汶川大地震震央只有一山之隔,直線距離不到三公里的龍池南嶽村拍攝時,我感覺到一雙專注的眼睛一直追隨著我,從未從我身上移開過。順著眼光看去,一個留著瀏海的嬌柔女孩正目不轉睛看著我,眼光清澈純淨,鮮紅的上衣將她的小臉襯得紅撲撲的,讓我腦海中滿是廢墟的灰色調終於有了一抹紅色,它象徵著希望。

我微笑著走向她,伸出我的手,沒有片刻遲疑,她握住我的手,並對我微笑。她的笑很甜,讓我的心變得溫暖。她拿出她的畫給我看,上面畫著她的夢想和希望:藍天白雲,燦爛陽光下的川西大地,巍然屹立著兩幢漂亮的房子,一幢屬於劉曉慶,一幢屬於她的爸爸媽媽。

我告訴她,我很喜歡這幅畫,她樂了,話也開始多起來。說到未來的新家,至今還住在帳篷裡的曉慶很興奮,她興高采烈告訴我:「阿姨,我的新家可是防震的,再大的地震都震不垮,不像我們原來的家和學校,一震就垮了。」

提到她那已成為一片廢墟的家和學校時,曉慶有些難過,低垂著雙眼,沉默了。我將她擁入懷裡,正想著該如何安慰她時,她突然抬起頭,一臉天真無邪地對我說:「阿姨,我給妳講地震發生那天的事吧!好嚇人哦!」

當曉慶說出這番話時,我是既意外又惶恐,畢竟她只是個八歲的孩子!曾經經歷的慘烈一幕,在她心中留下怎樣的陰影?對她而言,這樣的回憶意味著什麼,我心裡完全沒有底。我雙手輕輕摟著她的肩膀,直視她的眼睛溫柔地對她說:「妳也可以不講的。」

但曉慶看著我,眼神充滿執著和堅定:「可是阿姨,我就是想對妳講!」

「能告訴阿姨理由嗎?」

「因為妳喜歡我的畫,也因為…」曉慶停頓並猶豫了一會兒,最後下決心似地小聲說:「剛才妳拍廢墟時,我看見妳流淚了!」

她的話讓我的眼睛再次濕潤,就這樣,因著一個八歲女孩的信任,我眼裡含著淚,握著她的手,聽她講述她在地震中所經歷的一切:


大家拚命往外逃

地震發生時,我們正在上課,課桌突然開始搖動,並且越搖越凶。我聽到一種奇怪的聲音,電燈熄了,掉在地上,房子開始劇烈晃動,老師大聲喊:「地震了,快跑!」

我和同學們嘩啦一下開始衝向教室外,老師在最後,像趕羊似地大聲吆喝我們,使勁推著我們跑。剛跑到操場邊上,身後的校舍便倒了,四周的山也開始垮塌,到處是塵土,什麼也看不見,只聽見有人大聲喊:「趕緊跑,山上洪水來了!」

原來,學校背後山上的蓄洪池坍塌,洪水順山勢傾瀉而下,衝向了已經坍塌的學校,情況非常危急,有同學開始哭,不過我沒哭,我知道哭沒有用。

老師迅速將我們召集在一起,清點人數後,讓大孩子拉著小孩子,老師抱著背著拖著學前班的小孩子,開始狂奔。逃生途中,餘震不斷,泥石流爆發,我幾乎是連滾帶爬走過來的,我看到很多房子都倒塌了,到處是從山上滾落的石頭,我開始感到害怕,也開始擔心在家裡的媽媽和奶奶,還有在「農家樂」(編按:民間旅社)打工的爸爸。

在鄉親們的幫助下,爬山涉水,我們終於到達比較安全的謝家坪高地,大家都精疲力竭。此時的我又累又渴又餓,但只能忍著,因為我知道,從學校跑出來,我們什麼也沒有。


爸爸緊緊抱住我want_a_home_02

天開始下起傾盆大雨,我們沒有傘,也沒有雨衣。老師四處奔波後,找到幾張塑膠布,為我們遮雨。我們這兒是山區,只要一下雨就會變得很冷,老師和同學都衣衫單薄,沒人有多餘的衣服,很多人的衣服都被雨淋濕了,於是老師和鄉親冒著大雨砍來竹子,幾根竹竿撐起幾塊簡易塑膠布,這就是我們的臨時帳篷──我們地震之後的第一個家。

不到二十平方米的臨時帳篷下,密密麻麻擠著一百四十二個學生,我們只能背靠背地坐著,相互取暖。

我開始盼著爸爸來接我,就這樣等阿等,不知過了多久,終於等來了爸爸。爸爸灰頭土臉的,衣服很髒,尤其是褲腿,沾滿泥漿,鞋子已完全看不出原來的顏色,爸爸看見我,便大喊著我的名字,衝上來緊緊抱住我,我幾乎不能呼吸。長這麼大,我從未看過爸爸掉眼淚,但那天,我看見大顆大顆的眼淚從爸爸眼中滑落。他感覺到我的身體在發抖,便脫下他的衣服披在我身上。

爸爸打工的「農家樂」在學校和我們家之間,地震後,爸爸不顧餘震和山上隨時滾落的巨石,發瘋般地往學校跑,趕到已成為一片廢墟的學校,聽說我們已轉移到謝家坪,又馬不停蹄趕往謝家坪,見我沒事,爸爸鬆了一口氣,但奶奶和媽媽生死未卜,爸爸還得馬上趕回家,看看家裡的情況。

由於餘震不斷,山體不斷垮方,道路和通訊完全中斷,回家的路太遠又太危險,老師和家長商量決定:第一晚,所有學生留宿謝家坪。


姐姐站著讓我靠

天漸漸變黑,鄉親們拿出冒著生命危險從自家倒塌的房屋中刨出的大米,從廢墟上撿來木條,生火給我們熬了一鍋熱騰騰的稀粥。

經歷地震驚恐的六小時後,我們終於喝上熱粥,儘管每個同學只有一小碗,並且只能輪流著吃,但大家都吃得津津有味,那是我喝過最好喝的粥!

喝了熱粥後,我覺得好很多,不再那麼冷了,口也不那麼渴了,我開始想睡覺了。

晚上,雨越下越大,搭建的臨時帳篷已經完全被雨水浸濕,地全是濕的,我們只得站起來,相互靠著,彼此溫暖著。

老師安排高年級的哥哥姐姐一對一照顧我們低年級的同學,一個姐姐站到我身邊,讓我靠著她,剛開始我還強忍著不要睡著,我知道姐姐也很累很睏,我不停地揪自己的頭髮,掐自己的大腿,讓自己不要犯睏。可後來不知怎麼的,迷迷糊糊居然睡著了,就這樣站著睡了一夜。


媽媽正在往下掉

第二天,等了很久,終於等來爸爸媽媽,他們都一臉憔悴,特別是媽媽,整個人有氣無力的,雙眼無神,只是緊握著我的手,什麼也不說。

為了讓我多安撫媽媽,爸爸悄悄告訴我,地震時,奶奶和媽媽正吃午飯,意識到是地震時,兩人扔下碗便往屋外跑,大地劇烈的震動讓她們站立不穩,倒在地上,隨著嘩啦啦的房屋倒塌聲,我們家化成一片廢墟。

當時,地面開始扭曲,變形,裂縫,塌陷,我們家門前正好有一道坡坎,媽媽正倒在那裡,坡坎塌陷時,媽媽整個身體不由自主地隨著地面塌陷不斷下沉,媽媽大喊:「救救我!我在往下掉!」

奶奶顧不得還在劇烈搖晃著的大地,爬起來奔向媽媽,撲倒在地,用她那雙並不有力的手,拼著老命,緊緊拉著媽媽伸出的雙手,地震引起巨大的山體滑坡,我家附近四面八方的山都在垮,巨石滾落,煙霧彌漫。奶奶的冒死相救,讓媽媽躲過大難,但奶奶卻遍體鱗傷,媽媽因為受到過度驚嚇,變得很安靜。

聽了爸爸的話,我牽緊媽媽的手,覺得自己一下長大了,我不會再像地震前那樣,在爸爸媽媽面前撒嬌、任性,惹他們生氣,無論發生什麼事,無論走到哪裡,我都會好好照顧媽媽,盡量為爸爸多分擔一些。


特別特別想上學

後來,我們一家被轉移到成都龍泉驛區的災民臨時安置點,在那裡,無論大人孩子都對我們特別好。我們剛去時,除了身上穿著的髒衣服,一無所有。很快地,有人給我們送來新衣服,洗了澡,換上新衣,住進乾淨整潔的帳篷,吃上熱呼呼、香噴噴的飯菜,心情也變得好起來。

住在這裡的人來自都江堰、彭州、汶川等不同的災區,雖然剛開始互不相識,但因為共同經歷過地震災難,所以大家相處得很融洽,大人們聚在一起聊天,孩子們也自然而然在一塊玩耍,我在那裡交了很多新朋友。

每天都有成都市龍泉驛區的居民來探望我們,為我們送來各種各樣的生活必需品,還有許多年齡與我相仿的小朋友,給我送來漫畫書和玩具。也有一些大哥哥大姐姐來做義工,並教我們畫畫,帶著我們玩遊戲。

雖然和帳篷裡的小朋友玩得很開心,但還是有一件事讓我念念不忘,那就是我特別特別想讀書,想回到教室和老師同學們一起上課,日子越久,這種想法就越強烈。

終於有一天,救災點的大喇叭上說,住在災民臨時安置點的學齡兒童,檢查完身體,打過預防針後可以去上學。這讓我欣喜若狂,我平時最怕打針了,但這次聽說打針就能去上學,便顧不得那麼多了,央求爸爸趕快帶我去打針,我怕去晚了就沒機會讀書了。

我和爸爸一路跑,以最快的速度趕到檢驗處,很幸運地,我們排在第一位,我也如願以償成為第一個打針的小朋友。打針的時候,我咬緊牙關,沒有像以前打針那樣痛哭流涕,只要能讀書,我什麼都不怕,什麼都願意做。

能夠重新回到教室上課,真的是我最快樂的一件事。那些日子,我上課特別認真,每次作業都是第一個交,經常得到老師的表揚,學校裡的同學對我非常友好,送給我很多小禮物:作業本、鉛筆、尺子、橡皮擦等等,他們給我的幫助,我永遠都不會忘記。那是地震後我最難忘最快樂的一段時光。


我家是個好地方

在龍泉驛的災民臨時安置點待了兩個月後,我們決定回家,儘管龍池受災嚴重,但畢竟是我們的家。

回家經過學校,看到學校,想起那些在地震中傷亡的同學,還有雖平安但現在不知在何處的老師和同學,我真的好難過!

終於回到我日夜思念的家,這是地震後我第一次面對已成為廢墟的家,我有些不敢相信自己的眼睛,覺得一切都像在做夢。我狠狠揪了一下自己的臉,很疼,我終於明白這不是夢。

回到龍池清理廢墟時,在廢墟中刨挖東西,稍不留神就會被劃破手指,或被尖利的東西刺傷腳。後來爸爸媽媽執意不准我再去幫忙,看著在廢墟上忙碌的爸爸媽媽,我畫下了「我想有個家」這幅畫,我清楚地記得,當我將畫拿給爸爸媽媽看時,他們笑了,我已經好久沒看他們笑了。

還記得地震之前,鄉親們大都以開「農家樂」,接待來龍池(編按:當地旅遊景點)度假的遊客為生,生活過得有滋有味,平靜安詳!來過這兒的叔叔阿姨,都誇我們這裡風景秀麗,氣候宜人。在龍泉驛的災民臨時安置點,人們聽說我來自龍池,都羡慕地說:「哦!那可是個好地方。」

在我印象中,每年暑假,總是爸爸媽媽和鄉親們最忙的季節,幾乎家家「農家樂」都是門庭若市,但今年暑假,冷冷清清,大人們忙著清理廢墟。

所以我長大後想做個導遊,可以邊玩邊掙錢供養爸爸媽媽,修漂亮房子,還可以從外面帶很多人到我們龍池這邊來旅遊,讓鄉親們也掙到錢,大家都能過上好日子。

我畫在紙上的的夢想一定會變成現實!我們能重新在龍池建起漂亮房子。我和曾經幫助過我的龍泉驛的小朋友有約定,等我和爸爸媽媽把房子修好後,接他們來龍池玩!

【後記】

與曉慶分別前夕,雙方都依依不捨,在她居住的帳篷前,我拍下了小小的她,更拍下了夢想和堅持。

一個四川地震災區的八歲女孩,看著她那燦爛的笑臉,我很難將她和那場巨大的地震災難聯繫在一起,只能從心靈深處發出感歎:這是怎樣一塊土地,養育出如此樂觀堅韌的孩子!
加油,劉曉慶!






本文亦見於2008年9月號《人籟論辨月刊》

2008_09想閱讀本期更多精采文章,請購買本期雜誌!

您可以選擇PDF版

海外讀者如欲選購,請在此查詢(訂閱全年份





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