Erenlai - A Spiritual Treasure Map 給心靈的藏寶圖
A Spiritual Treasure Map 給心靈的藏寶圖

A Spiritual Treasure Map 給心靈的藏寶圖

 

The rich wisdom found in Chinese religious and spiritual traditions is not just a treasure of the past. Let us re-discover and illuminate what China has to offer to the global spiritual quest of the modern world.

從中國到世界的天涯海角都有古老的哲思,值得活在現代社會的我們重新去探索。這些寶藏是靈魂的食糧,也是生命最底層的渴望。在生而為人的這條路上,你找過到那張給心靈的藏寶圖嗎?

 

 

Friday, 01 September 2006

Tuesday, 29 August 2006

A Liangshan Yi Religious Classic

The Liangshan Yi (Nuosu) people, in Sichuan, keep a rich corpus of religious classics that are used in various rituals. The one reproduced here (in Chinese and Nuosu writing) has been translated under the auspices of the Taipei Ricci Institute by Ma Erzi and Motsi Cyhox. The introduction was written by Bamo Qubumo, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

The "Classic for the Redemption of the Soul", a text widely used during Nuosu funeral rituals, is available as an ebook in our webstore.

Sunday, 27 August 2006

The Bi-mox in The Liangshan Yi Society

Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture lies in the Southwest of Sichuan Province, China. To the North of it flows Dadu River, and south, Jinsha River (the upper section of the Yangtze River). Its 60,000 km 2 territory is the home of 1,610,000 Yi people in Liangshan, the single largest Yi community in China.

The ethnonym of the Yi in Liangshan is Nuosu. Until the democratic reform in 1956, no united regiment had evolved and the Yi community split itself into numerous patrilineal lineages. The estate-and-slave system with lineal descents and personal dependence as characteristics constituted the traditional Yi social institution. With high mountains and deep valleys as natural barriers and hostile relations to other communities around, especially to those of the Han, the traditional Liangshan Yi society developed a unique culture, including religious belief, in its own way. Believing in gods and ghosts, worshipping ancestors and a mixture of witchcraft with sacrificing ceremonies constituted the man content of traditional Yi belief.


I. Bi-mox, Religious practitioner mediating the Relations between Human and Spirits by Reciting Scriptures

To approach the nature and function of bi-mox in Liangshan Yi social-cultural context, we can start with the connotation of bi-mox as a word. This word, in turn, is closely related to su-nyit, another kind of religious practitioners in Yi society. As two kinds of religious practitioners Liangshan, the names bi-mox and su-nyit are divided by the characters of their activities. In the Yi, bi in bi-mox means to recite. It indicates how a bi-mox acts in a ceremony. This bi can be extended to refer to all the activities characterized by scripture-chanting in ceremonies, such as ge-fei-yi-tsi-bi, a ceremony to invite the spirit for birth; ma-du-bi, a ceremony to pacify the spirit (of the dead): ni-mu-tsuo-bi see the spirit off. So, bi-mox refers to a man who engages in the religious activities by reciting scriptures.

Meanwhile, the su in su-nyit means a person and sanyit means shaking while dancing and beating a drum. That is the act of su-nyit in religious ceremonies. Broadly speaking sv-nyit is very much similar to shaman a religious practitioner who in ceremonies beats drums and shakes while dancing.

Thus in religious practice, the function of a bi-mox is different from that of a su-nyits. The action of a bi-mox is more tranquil and quiet he just recites with mouth. In contrast, a su-nyit employs more body language. He beats drum and shakes in a crazy and violent manner, as if a spirit has possessed him. The etymological comparison between bi-mox and su-nyit reveals that a bi-mox is characterized by chanting scriptures. Thus, we can say bi-mox as a term refers to those religious practitioners who communicate with gods and ghosts by means of reciting scriptures.

From the "Bi-mox Scripture for Offering Sacrifice to Ancestors", we know that in the origin and early stage of development, bi-mox had no written scriptures. Their chanting was handed down by word-of-mouth. It was not until the time of Qiongbu. A legendary figure in the Yi tradition, that bi-mox began to document their scriptures down in black and white, and the history of bi-mox entered the period of literature from that- of the oral. From then on, scriptures became the groundwork of the performance of bi-mox. according to a Yis saying, there are 120 scriptures for incantation and 48 scriptures for sacrifice offering. Therefore, being literate, together with mastering written scriptures and being excellent in all the oral ones, has become a pre-requisite for a bi-mox to carry out his work and to comminicate with gods, ghosts, and ancestors.

A bi-mox communicates with gods, ghosts, and ancestors by reciting scriptures. But he is much more than a mere mouthpiece or a media between people and the supernatural spirits. Rather, he is an effective mediator, an arbitrator h the conflicting relations between people, gods, ghosts, and ancestral spirits.

It is a deep rooted Yi belief that ancestors, gods and ghosts are able to influence the thriving of population, the bumper harvest, the multiplication of cattle, the prosperity of lineage, etc. If the relationship between mankind and gods, ghosts, and ancestors breaks or becomes unbalanced, it will not only endanger the people’s belief and mentality, but also effect their material production and daily life. Gods, ghosts, and ancestral spirits are manifolds. They are good and evil. They can bless or curse people; it all depends on time and occasion. So, people praise spirits, appreciate they hate ghosts and fear gods and ancestors. In the interaction between human and various spirits, the latter do influence the life of the former. However, it is more important that the former can control the latter through the mediation of bi-mox that can dispel disasters, invite fortunes, and turn disasters into fortunes.

A bi-mox is able to predict the intention of gods and ghosts and, is familiar with ancestor’s desires. Through scripture-chanting and with the magic power of language reinforced by rites of sacrifice-offering and witchcraft with strong symbolic connotations, bi-moxes mediate the relationship between people end supernatural spirits by means of praising, appreciating, persuading, or warning, cursing, etc. Just as Chubi Somo, a famous bi-mox in Meigu county said: we bi-moxes are just like ndep-ggu, judges in the Yi folk society. The difference is that- a ndep-ggu mediates between people and/or between lineage, while a bi-moxes mediates between human and supernatural spirits. But the function is the same. The purpose of a bi-mox mediation is to serve the people. The aim of his mediation is not only to promote people’s reconciling with their faith, but also to detach people’s bonds to the supernatural spirits, including that of their ancestors’, so that they will not interact with each other.

Bi-mox has derived from Yi society since very early time end evolved into a separate order of religious practitioner. This is reflected both in the bi-mox genealogy and the standardization end normalization of the bi-mox reward as an institution. Before democratic reforms, besides cash in the form of silver, the kind in the form of animals, grain and cloth, and Yi services such as labor, such items as guns, slaves, land and even opium had entered the inventory of bi-mox’s income. A Yi saying indicates that: tiger and a leopard may fail in food-hunting, but a bi-mox and a su-nyit never returns with empty hand after performing a ceremony Up to now, reward for ritual activities still contribute total or part of a bi-mox’s livelihood in Liangshan.

In brief, bi-moxes in the Yi society are a class of people specializes in religious activities dealing with people’s faith-pertaining affairs. They mediate the relations between human and supernatural beings including their ancestral spirits by reciting scriptures. For this service, they earn payment as total or partial resources of their life.


II. The Special Bi-mox Faith relating to Their Professional Activities

Believing in supernatural spirits is common to all the Yi as an ethnic group. But on top of this, bi-moxes have their own faith. Since the formation and development of bi-mox as a religious profession, the ideology of bi-mox has gradually established and some special supernatural spirits emerged to suit the needs of the profession and to protect bi-mox activities and interests. These spirits are the objects of bi-mox’s adoration. They can be roughly classified into the bi-mox gods, the guardian gods and the souls of the bi-mox instruments and scriptures.

The common Yi name of bi-mox gods is bilu. It refers to all the spirits of bi-mox ancestor’s traceable back in the genealogy. Traditional Yi society recognized only a small number of lineage that has ever engaged in the bi-mox practice, such as the lineage of Jike, Shama, Jili, Di-re, etc. These lineages, each having whose first ancestor engaged in the practice, are called bi-mox lineages. Bi-mox lineages have the tradition of inheriting the practice of their forebears. They have carried on the career from generation to generation. The bi-mox gods include all the first ancestors in those lineages, who in their lifetime had tutored their children end grandchildren of the performance. Their souls are respected as gods and worshipped by their descendants. They are thought, on one hand, to bless their descendants multiplying and prosperous: on the other hand, to be guardians to ensure the success of their offsprings ceremonial performance. In short, the bilu have double characters: the ancestral gods and profession guardians.

As Yi society attaches great importance to consanguineous lines and blood inheritance, it is natural that each lineage has it’s own bilu. This is demonstrated clearly in bi-ci-e-yi-mu, a Yi scripture meaning The scripture of bi-mox genealogy. It is essential for every bi-mox lineage. The scripture begins with the first bi-mox ancestor of the lineage. In the form of chain-of- names between master and disciple (usually father end son, occasionally, uncle and nephew), it enlists all the bi-moxes in the lineage, down to the one who possesses and uses it today. This scripture, on one hand, is the certificate of a bi-mox’s lineage background that provides him with credit. On the other hand, it enables a bi-mox, by means of its reading or chanting, to recruit whatever reinforcement from their bi-mox ancestors to bless the success of a ceremony.

The belief of bilu (bi-mox gods) emphasizes consanguineous heredity and continuity, and stresses on believing n the ancestors to whom the bi-mox has blood ties with. This is obviously the combination of the Yi ancestral spirit belief with the bi-mox religious profession. It functions to identify and strengthen consanguineous relations between father and son, to guarantee tile heredity and continuity of bi-moxe religious status and identity.

Besides the ancestral bilu who has blood relation with them, bi-moxes also share a common belief of that famous bilu in history and widely celebrated in the Yi community. This kind of bilu usually made special contribution to their career in their lifetime. They all have the outstanding achievements, super power, profound knowledge, and lofty morals in the Yi folklore. For example, Tibi Zhamu and Haibi Shizu contributed especially the establishment of ceremonial rules. Bia Sula standardized writings and sorting out the religious scriptures. Age Emo brought a high mountain down by chanting incantation. However, from different lineages, these bilu are regarded as heroes and spiritual leaders by all the bi-moxes in Liangshan, especially the younger generation. For this reason, whenever a ceremony is held, bi-moxes would recite bi-bu-te-yi (Bi-mox Sacrifice-offering Scripture), and invite these bilu to enjoy the offerings and to ensure the success of bi-mox performance.

The Common faith to these famous bilu is a special type of belief among bi- moxes. It transcends the consanguineous limitation of lineage. In stead, it bases on personal achievement and religious practice. We can say it is a combination of hero-worshipping and professional identity. It functions to stimulate and intensify bi-mox dedication to their profession, and to encourage them following the their heroic forebearers’ example, improving themselves in knowledge and practice.

The guardian gods refers to spirits who help bi-moxes when they during their performance. In the Yi, it is called mulu musi, meaning all the spirits in nature, including the god of the sky, of the earth, of mountains, wind, rock, thunder, tree, eagle, etc. Originally, they are the natural gods commonly believed by Yi people, each for its own divine duties. But bi-moxes integrate them into a belief end respect them as guardian gods. In each ceremony, bi-moxes establish divine seats by erecting magic branches, inviting gods to come and help. As for whom and how many to be invited, it is determined by the nature and scale of ceremony, or kind and amount of the sacrifices. For example, xuo-bur, a counter incantation, is but a small one in which only a cock is sacrificed; thus only some mountain gods nearby are invited. If the occasion is big, such as co-ssy (evil cursing) on which cattles and goats are sacrificed, the god of sky, earth, rock and tree would be invited to share the offerings and help the performance.

Still another special bi-mox belief is tile belief in spirits of instruments and scriptures. Instruments and scriptures are means and bedrock of bi-mox performances. According to a Yi scripture, in the remote times of Nuili, Shisou, Momu, Ge-e, bi-moxes had come into being. But they did not have such instruments as golden water drum, divination bone, cedar container of divine slips, divine bamboo fan, divine bamboo hat, divine bell, etc., so they could not expel ghosts, bring fortunes end heal patients. Not until the time of Qiongbu when bi-moxes were equipped with all the instruments and scriptures. From then on, bi-moxes became omnipotent.

It is a bi-mox understanding that the magical power of the instruments and scriptures do not lie merely in their forms. In stead, a lively soul is embodied in each of them. If the soul is lost or polluted, the power will vanish, or weaken down. Ceremonies as sacrifice offering to the souls of instruments and scriptures con invite the souls back and have them purified. The same belief is expressed in the rules and taboos for making, using, collecting and keeping the instruments, and in duplicating and circulating of the scriptures.

In summary, it is a peculiar bi-mex belief in bilu, guardian god, and the souls of bi-mox instruments and scriptures. All bi-moxes must observe it. It gives religious power to bi-moxes for carrying out their religious activities and a spiritual support for bi-moxes to exist and develop.


III. A Set of Special Institutions for Bi-moxes to Share

In the long periods of religious practice, a set of special religious institutions have evolved gradually for the sake of sustaining the bi-moxes community and conducting their religious activities. We can classify the conventions into two kinds: the customary rules and “the bi-mox rituals.

The bi-mox customary rules include all the conventional regulations that define bi-mox themselves and their activities. My tentative research witnesses that following conventions concerning the bi-moxship inheritance, initiation (bi-jjie), renouncing (bi-cip), and practicing bi in tour (bi-ji) are strictly observed by all the bi-moxes in Liangshan.

The inheritance of bi-moxship comprises the passing down of both status and identity of a bi-mox. When a bi-mox is old and become feeble. He will yield his bi-moxship to a young one in the lineage. Then, who has the qualification and thus will inherit the status and identity from him? There are some special principles in this relevance:

1. Only a male descendant can inherit bi-moxship. This is in strict accordance with the patrilineal nature of Yi society. The profession of bi-moxes is soared and highly respected. The lineage wants to keep this status and honor within itself. Therefore, it should only to be inherited by a male descendant in the lineage. A female can not inherit it. When a girl reaches seventeen, she is -thought no longer a member of tile lineage whether she is married or not.

2. The family of bi-mox enjoys the primary position. This is the dominant form of bi-moxship inheritance. It can guarantee the lineage of bi-mox to possess the privilege of the profession.

3. Inheriting by a non-bi-mox lineage is subsidiary. Under certain circumstances, a person from a non-bi-moxlineage can learn the craft from a bi-mox. In the Yi, this is zzyt-bi, which means inauthentic bi-mox. The status of a Zzyt-bi in Liangshan is much lower, for he has no assistance from his patrilineal bi-mox ancestors, no ancestrally inherited scriptures, so his power is inferior. He is not able to carry out such major ceremonies as sacrifice offering to ancestors, cursing evil people and ghosts, and inviting spirits. Moreover, a zzyt-bi can not pass his status and identity to his descendants. For this reason, his lineage can never become that of a bi-mox. These principles reveal that the dominance ideology behind bi-moxship transfer is the discourse of consanguinity and professional privilege. It is different from the professional identity in modern society.

The conventions of bi-jjie and bi-cip refer to the starting or ending of bias a profession. The profession of bi-mox is a holy one that communicates with spirits for human. For this reason, it can not be entered and pitted at one’s will. Special conventions with certain ceremonies have to be involved for its entrance and quitting.

Long and special education is required before bi-jjie, the initiation to the profession. During tis period, the apprentice learns the moral norms of bi-mox, as well as knowledge and skill. This is to ensure their consciousness of the role. Only when the master thinks his apprentice can carry out religious rites independently, can the latter become a novice bi-mox, after a ceremony called bi-jjie-bi-hlo (sacrifice offering to gods at bi-jjie). All the bi-moxes, relatives and friends near and far are invited. In the ceremony, the new identity and status of the novice is announced publicly. The master hands over bi-mox instruments and scriptures to the novice, and entrust bilu, the guardian gods, and the souls of the instruments and scripture to bless his disciple in his religious performance. Acknowledged by the mater, the gods and society, the novice is recruited and the team of bi-mox is reinforced.

On the contrary to bi-jjie, bi-cip means to end or give up bi as a career. Bi-mox is a lifelong profession, but two situations will lead to the halt of it:

1. A bi-mox’s soul cannot get along well with bilu, guardian gods and the souls of his, instruments, scriptures, and thus he cannot perform bi successfully. Such a failing bi will not bring safety and luck to the client Moreover; it will invite disaster to the bi-mox himself or his family. In this ease, the bi-mox must halt his career of bi, though his offspring can succeed his profession.

2. Due to any reason, the bi-mox lineage has no descendant to inherit his profession for three generations. In this case, a bi-cip ceremony must be held by the lineage to declare quitting the status and privilege of bi-mox for good. A bi-sha ceremony is added to bi-cip for sending all the gods that have helped the bi-mox away. A bi-sha has to be presiding over by another bi-mox. The function of it is to extricate the relations of S bi-mox with all the gods and spirits to announce the ending of a bi-mox, and to get its approval from bi-moxs, gods and society. After an offering of sacrifices, the divine branches standing for all kinds of gods, together with the bi- mox instruments and scriptures will be sent to a remote mountain, and thus the career of the bi-mox comes to an end.

The function of bi-ji (customary rules concerning practicing him tour) is to adjust the relations between bi-mox and between a bi-mox and other social organizations. As we know, a bi-mox religious practice is independent, mobile, and extensive. A bi-mox roams about from village to village, to perform A at the call of his clients. It is usual for him to stay away home for several months. When he is away from his lineage context, how can he coordinate the relations between different territories and lineages? Can a bi-mox depending on one lineage lord visit -territories under the control of another, even a hostile lineage of his? All these have been arranged conventionally in the Yi society.

If bi-mox A is invited to perform religion rites temporarily in the house where bi-mox B acts as bi-si (the regular family bi-mox), he has to yield part of his rewards in kind or cash to B according to the rules of bi-ji (a reward convention). However, if he does this regularly and gradually replaced B h the house, he and the client family must pay some compensation to B.

In Greater and Lesser Liangshan area, Yi people settlement clustered according to lineage. Each nuohuo (black Yi) and zimo (chieftain) lineage has its own domain. Usually, every bi-mox lineage depends on one of them. A few bi-mox lineages are responsible to perform religion rites for every lineage and family all over Liangshan. According to the bi-ji rules, a bi-mox is entitled carry out religion rites in every village end lineage in the Yi area. So long as they wear or carry on his shoulder a divine bamboo hat, hold a divine fan, carry a bag of scriptures; no one should interfere or prevent him. Anyone dares to interfere a bi-mox performances or injure him personally will be punished severely. In extreme cases, all bi-mox lineages will unite to curse the enemy with reliable means until the death of the offender and his people. Therefore, a bi-mox can safely tour in the Yi area. They and their activities are respected and protected all over the society.

The bi-mox rituals, (addressed as bi-je-mop-jie in bi-mox terminology), refer to all the procedures and rules a bi-mox must observe whenever he carries out his activities. It is the standard procedures of ceremony and rules of bi-mox activities. In history, the procedure of Yi religious ceremonies is well known to be complicated, mystical and over-elaborate. In the long period of practices, bi-moxes have established a standard for various performances, and thus formulated a set of stable procedures and norms. As for as procedures are concerned, the following items are more or less universal:

1. Mu-gu-cyt, welcoming the assistance from gods by lighting fire;

2. Lur-ca-su, the rites of purification;

3. Yie-lyt, prologuizing or delivering opening speech;

4. Te, the rites of reconciling different gods and spirits;

5. Mux-lup-mu-se-bi, inviting gods for help;

6. Sacrifices-offering in the form of live animals or birds;

7. Chanting scriptures and perform crafts;

8. Sacrifices-offering in the form of killing on the spot but uncooked;

9. Chanting scriptures and perform crafts;

10. Sacrifices-offering in the form of cooked (boiled or roasted);

11. Comforting gods and spirits and seeing them off;

12. Ka-bba-qip, paying bi-mox in the name of reword.

There are other strict conventional rules for ceremonies, such as the requiry of selecting the date and choosing the form of sacrifices. Major ceremonies not only involve date selecting, but also the hour, the month and the year. The sex, color, age, quality, and kind are all-important and have specific regulations. The ways of animal sacrificing includes that- of the alive, the uncooked, the cooked, the blood, and the horn, etc. Many ceremonies require a ground for performance that is fenced by erecting branches. In the respect, different ceremonies require different kinds, quantities, and ways of erecting the branches for different symbolic connotations.

The bi-rewarding institution is also important. There are three ways to acknowledge the religious performances: cash, kind and service. The ways and quantities vary.
These conventions about bi-moxship inheritance, initiation, renounce, touring service, procedures and reward regulate the bi-mox behaviors and activities in a united, standard, ordered, and identical way. They are essential to guarantee the existence and sustaining of bi-moxship as a religious practice.


IV. Professional Ethics of Religion Observed by Bi-mox as a Class

Besides the conventions and rituals, the bi-mox community norm is also reflected in the form of bi-mox moral or ethics. By nature, the bi-mox moral is the moral of religious practitioners. In their professional activities, a bi-mox contact with other bi-moxes, as well as with gods, ghosts and humans. We can say that three relations are essential to the normal practice of a bi-mox: with god and ghost, with vi-si (clients), and with other bi-moxes. In order to adjust all these relations for protecting the reputation and dignity of religious practitioner, a set of morals has gradually evolved to adjust, conduct, and restrain bi-mox professional behaviors.

It is a known fact that Yi religious belief has a strongly connotation of utilitarianism. People worship their ancestors, believe in gods, ghosts and spirits for safety and happiness. As a religious practitioner, a bi-mox task and mission is not to help people extricate themselves, save their souls, ensure them to go to a paradise after death. Rather, he is to fulfill people’s actual needs, such as avoiding disaster, approaching fortune and luck, ensure the harvest of crops, prosperity of animals, end to demonstrate the power and strength of their lineage, etc. In short, he is responsible for providing people with spiritual support and satisfaction for their existence and development. As bi saying goes: The fortune and peace of a client should be revealed in three days of the ceremony. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that bi-mox is responsible for human and work his clients, rather than for gods, ghosts and spirits of any sort.

The bi-mox ethics is constructed on the basis of the professional duties. It is interrelated closely with the nature and characters of the profession. It includes the following contains:

1. Dedication to the profession and faithfulness onte the duty. As said, bi-mox performance is the spiritual pillar of people’s physical existence and development. It requires all bi-moxes to have a full recognition of the profession and its social values. Bi-moxes must keep on strengthening his love to the profession, and continuously develop his sense of professional honor and firm aspiration. A bi-mox must take the matters of his clients as his own, and always eager to help his clients and be mindful of their interests. They we to be conscientious, dutiful, and considerate in their activities. Even a minor error due to the bi-mox’s carelessness and negligence will bring misfortune and disaster to his client, and consequently to the bi-mox himself. As bi saying goes as follows: “Inadequate scripture-chanting harms bi-mox, while insufficient divine-branches harms client”. Therefore, it is basic for a bi-mox to love and dedicate to his religious practice.

2. Treating all clients equally. Every estate, lineage, family and person in the traditional Yi society needs the service of bi-mox. The requirement is widespread. A client can select a bi-mox with high power and moral performance. Nevertheless, a bi-mox is not allowed to select rite or client.

3. Acting in good honor of his promise. This is determined by the nature of bi-mox profession, as well as minimum demands by the society. The Date of a Yi religious rite must be calculated and arranged several days or more in advance, and is forwarded to bi-mox by the client or his trustee. When time comes, the bi-mox brings scriptures and instruments to perform crafts. His activities are considered to resolve problems and dispel worries for people. For this reason, he must come on time regardless of road, weather conditions, and family duties. A bi-mox must keep his words. It is a shame to break a promise.

4. Respecting colleagues and learning from each other. This is the norm of relations between bi-moxes. In congregation, they are encouraged to learn from each other to make up deficiencies. Many bi-moxes roam around Liangshan several, or even dozen times in their lifetime for visiting famous bi-moxes, collecting scriptures, and obtaining knowledge extensively from others.

5. Proper and solemn behaviors. This is moral requirement concerning the language, diet, and sex of a bi-mox. Bi-moxes as intermediate between human and spirit enjoys some divinity. They must show refined characters in their behaviors and speeches in daily life. This is helpful to establish their divinity and gain approval from spirit and trust from people. Therefore, a bi-mox must avoid stirring things up, pronounce obscenities, aid gossip. During major ceremonies, such as soul escorting and sacrifice offering to ancestors, a bi-mox should quit sexual intercourse. Otherwise, the ancestral spirit will be contaminated and can not find their way to homeland. Excessive alcohol drinking is also forbidden, because a drunken bi-mox tends to be irresponsible.

6. Working hard end enduring hardships. The profession of bi-mox is a hard one. Touring far from home and try to be punctuate means a bi-mox has to endure sleeping or eating in tough places, or travel day and night. It is a matter of course to travel two or three days to get the client’s home for a ceremony. I have personally followed a bi-mox to perform the practice in tour. The all daylong walking or riding and exhausted me. When dismounted from horseback, I could hardly walk with numb limbs. A major ceremony tends to last several or more than ten days without an interval. The bi-mox has to stay up night after night to endure the torture of sleeplessness. Some apprentices giving up bi-learning simply because they cannot endure hardship. A qualified bi-mox must have a strong will and lofty character.

7. Not be greedy for money. Tradition says that in early times, bi-mox performance is voluntary and no reward is involved. Nevertheless, along with development of society and formation of bi performance as an occupation, bi-moxes gradually earns his income as, or partly as resources to sustain their lives. The quantity and form of the reward is subject to conventions. A quarrel over rewords with client is a taboo. It is forbidden for a bi-mox to extract excessive rewards. A bi-moxes must fulfill his duty in religious rite even he knows the client can not afford payment.

The bi-mox ethics is based on their religious profession. It is a special requirement to whoever engaged in the trade. In the long practice of moralities, a stable religious psychology and collective personality characterized by peacefulness, dignity, sympathy, and sense of responsibility are formed in bi-mox as a community of religious practitioners.


V. The Bi-mox Group Identity and Sense of Belonging

The traditional Yi society is interwoven with consanguineous ties of lineage. The fundamental group identity is that of lineage. On top of this, the bi-mox offers an overarching cultural identity. This is due to the fact that bi-mox as a person finds his sense of belonging to his lineage as a social group, but as a religious practitioner, he transcends the consanguineous boundary and finds his identity in the religious profession, which in turn is an integral part of the Yi culture. At the same time, they identify themselves with the community of religious practitioners.

We know the two identities are different. The latter is the extension of the former. In other words, the existence of bi-mox lineage is the basic carrier of bi-mox as a social class. The overall bi-mox group identity is rooted in the bi-mox lineage identity. Here, the two identities, the social and the religious one, find agreement mutually to some degree.

The basis of bi-mox identity as a group is their professional knowledge and practice. This is by nature a professional identity. As we said before, bi-moxes engage in the same religious practice. In a long and identical religious practice, common bi-mox values are also formulated in the form of professional conventions, moral norms, and ritual behaviors.

Owing to this, the traditional Yi society has another special taxonomy to identify people in a dichotomy: the bi-mox and the dzop-dzop. All the other people beside bi-moxes are dzop-dzop, no matter to which class or estate they belong. As said, both of qualification and identity of a bi-mox is approved by spirits, society, and other bi-moxes. Hence, the line of demarcation between bi-mox and dzop-dzop is distinctive and unmistakable. The whole society, including the supernatural beings, knows well in such matters as which lineage is a bi-mox one, which is not, who is a bi-mox, and who is not. In religious life, bi-mox and dzop-dzop have different status, responsibilities, and obligations. A bi-mox sustains his status and life by communicating with supernatural beings for the interests of clients. In providing dzop-dzop with the required happiness, a bi-mox gets his rewards.

The identity of bi-moxes is expressed in their mutual support and aid as well. Bi-mox is a class and a professional group with special knowledge and skills. However, they have no defined religious place, no special institution, or structured organization. Their religious practice is characterized by mobility and, independence and wide spreading. They do have regular interactions and contacts, such as in training apprentice, helping each other in ceremony, exchanging skills and scriptures, and visiting famous bi-mox afar. Because of this, their group identity is developed and consolidated.

For the sake of defending their status and benefits, bi-moxes have united themselves to a certain degree. The emergence of vut-tu mo-mgep, the congregation for bi-mox mutual help, is a good example. Vut-tu in the Yi refers to the container of divine slips of bamboo, a bi-mox hallmark and instrument in ceremony. Mo-mgep means conference or meeting. The combination of the two words means the conference of bi-moxes.
In 1921, Tier Wuzi, Chunuo bi-mox in Mude Apu village, Yimu district, Butuo County found his Han salve girl was kidnapped and sold. He sent out an invitation for a vut-tu-mo-mgep at once. Over 100 bi-moxes came from different lineage all over Butuo County for the congregation. It was presided over by a bi-mox with higher prestige. Besides the collective rite of incarnation to curse the suspected, the participants also wrote the name of slave girl, the time and place of the accident on tso-ssy-tep-yypa, a cursing notebook. The notebook is copied and circulated to every participant. Later, when the bi-moxes perform religion rites in any house, they must curse the kidnapper according to the notebook. This was carried on and on until the kidnapper was believed died.


Concluding Remarks:

1. Bi-moxes have a common belief relating to their religious activities. The belief is consisted of bilu, guardian gods, and the spirit of bi-mox instruments and scripture. It is observed by all bi-moxes and it provides spiritual support to bi-moxes in their religious practices.

2. There exists a set of special conventions to regulate bi-moxship inheritance, initiation, and renounce, perform bi in tour and ritual practices. These conventions are strictly respected by all the bi-moxes.

3. There is such a set of ethic codes, as all bi-moxses must obey. The codes ensure the standard of bi-moxship and its reputation.

4. Members of bi-mox community have a common professional identity reflecting the self-consciousness of bi-mox as a class. The identity is the moral force and psychological ties for bi-mox solidarity and cohesion.

Sunday, 27 August 2006

中國涼山彝族社會中的畢摩

涼山彝族自治州位於四川省西南部,北負大渡河,南臨金沙江,總面積達六萬平方公裡。這裡,居住著一百六十一萬彝族人民,是全國最大的秦族聚居區;涼山彝族目稱「諾蘇」。直到1956年民主改革前,涼山境內家支林立,沒有形成統一的政權,以血緣因素和人身依附關係為內容的等級制度是該社會的主要特點。由於高山深谷的天然屏障,社會制度的自成一體以及與周邊漢族的緊張關係,56年前的涼山可以說是一個世外桃源,獨具特色的民族文化傳統在這裡得以保留並以它自己的方式延續發展,信仰神鬼、崇拜祖先‧注重儀式、巫祭混融的原始性宗教是彝人信仰的全部內容,1956年,涼山彝區實行民主改革,廢除家支制度,清除等級差別;輸入漢族文化。彝族社會發生了很大的變化。在思想文化領域中,為了用科學的馬克思主義取代「迷信」、用社會主義新文化戰勝奴隸社會愚昧的舊文化,畢摩和蘇尼的宗教活動被禁止取締,民間的彝文文獻被收繳焚燒,彝族的傳統文化和傳統宗教走向萎縮和衰落。

改革開放以來,隨著政治環境的寬鬆、經濟的搞活,民族傳統文化開始走向復興的道路,一度被抑制和削弱了的彝族傳統宗教也在不同程度上以傳統文化的、旅游的、民族民俗的種種形式逐漸得以恢復和回升。在彝族居住的腹心地區甚至具有反彈、發展的勢頭,僅以美姑縣為例,據1996年統計,全縣彝族宗教職業者畢摩 (僅限男性擔任)6850人,佔全縣總人口的4%,佔全縣男性總人口的8%,儀式活動頻繁多樣,約有各種大大小小的宗教儀式200餘種,宗教儀式經書115千卷,目前涼山彝族畢摩活動在形式和內容上出現了如下特點︰其一,畢摩活動的範圍從農村進入了城市,「魂兮歸來」的招魂之聲和打牲驅鬼除邪的儀式在城市裡,在機關幹部、商人、老師、工人的家中也能耳聞目睹;其二,農村興起「畢育」學畢熱,世襲畢摩村寨的兒童和年輕人學畢習畢積極踴躍;在繼承祖業的名義下,夾雜著追求經濟收入、地位名聲,學習傳統文化的多重目的;其三,畢摩活動內容和事項增加了許多現代生活的內容。如祈求升官升學,行商發財,防咒「吸毒」、「鼠疫」,消除「車禍」,「盜災」也被納入其中,其四,畢摩從畢的收入「畢摩卡巴」遠遠高於從事種養業的收入,畢摩職業化程度有所提高,一般畢摩家庭的生活水平高於從事農牧生產的農戶的生活水平。

畢摩活動的恢復為我們調查和研究畢摩提供了客觀條件,筆者於1986年、1992年、1994年,1995年和1996年十年期間多次分別在涼山西昌,甘洛、鹽源、富波、昭覺、美姑、喜德等縣跟隨畢摩游畢做法,學習解讀彝文經書,就畢摩問題進行田野調查。本文擬就涼山彝族畢摩的性質和特徵進行分析與探討。

一、畢摩是以念誦經文的形式調解人與神鬼關係的宗教職業者

為了了解畢摩的性質,我們不妨從考察畢摩一詞的詞義入手。畢摩和蘇尼作為涼山彝族社會兩種主要的宗教神職人員,其名稱均來源於各自主持儀式活動的特點。「畢摩」。(bi-mox )的「畢」意為念誦,得名於畢摩做儀式的方式「畢」,即念誦經文,「畢」也引申為以念經為特點的儀式活動,如「格非依此畢」招生育魂儀式,「馬度畢」安靈儀式,「尼木撮畢」送靈儀式;而「摩」(mox)為構詞C詞綴,相當於漢語「者」意。「畢摩」,就是指從事念誦經文之儀式活動的人。「蘇尼」(su-nyit)的「蘇」意為人,「尼」意為抖動,也得名於蘇尼做儀式的方式「尼」,即擊鼓抖動舞蹈,「尼」引申為以擊鼓抖動舞蹈為特點的儀式活動。「蘇尼」類似薩滿,是專事擊鼓抖動舞蹈之儀式活動的人。「畢摩」與「蘇尼」做儀式的特點不同,畢摩的儀式多動嘴即念經,用語言、文雅平和;而蘇尼的儀式多用身體即擊鼓舞蹈,神靈附體,熱烈顛狂。難怪彝族人在解釋他們的畢摩和蘇尼時。會形象地說畢摩是文的,蘇尼是武的;畢摩是念經的,蘇尼是擊鼓的。畢摩和蘇尼詞義語源的比較表明畢摩的主要特點即是念誦經文、「畢摩」是以念誦經文的形式與神鬼交通的神職人員的統稱。從彝族畢摩文獻《畢補額依瑪》(即《畢摩獻祖經》)中我們看到,在彝族畢摩產生和發展的早期,畢摩念誦的經文是口誦經文,尚無文字與書面經書。到了「邛布」時代,畢摩開始使用筆墨紙張書寫經文,念誦形成了書面文字的經文。從此畢摩的歷史從口誦時期進入了文字時期,經書成了畢摩儀式活動的主要依據,「『的偉』哈尼則,『夥偉』爾策黑」意即咒經百二十,(種),祭經四十八(種),掌握文字,精通經書以及熟悉各種口誦之經文一起成了畢摩從事神職工作的必要前提,也是畢摩與神鬼祖先交通的主要形式。

畢摩以念誦經文的形式與神鬼祖先交通,絕不僅僅是人們與神鬼、人們與祖先之間的簡單的傳聲筒與中介人,而是人們與神鬼、祖先之間矛盾關係的「調解人」,學者們認為,人與人的關係擬及人與自然的關係是構成人類社會的兩大基本關係。其實,人與神鬼、人與祖先的關係也可視為家族傳統社會的一大基本關係。在彝人看來,祖先、神靈、鬼怪操縱影響著人丁的繁衍,五榖的豐登、六畜的興旺、家支的發展壯大。人與神鬼的關係一旦發生傾斜和破損,危及到的不僅是人們的信仰心態,同時包括人們的物質生產和生活。神鬼、祖先有善有惡,時善時惡,既可福佑人們也可致禍於人們。人們讚美神鬼。感激祖先,同時也憎恨神鬼、畏懼祖先在人們與他們的神鬼祖先的互動中,不僅神鬼祖先可以決定影響人們的生產生活,更重要的是人們可以通過他們的畢摩控制和駕馭神鬼祖先,以去禍納福,逢兇化吉,畢摩能夠洞察神鬼意向、諳熟祖先特性。他們念誦經文,以語言的魔力讚美、教導、規勸、詛咒、影響神鬼祖先,並輔之以極富象徵性質的祭祀、巫術等行為方式處理人們與他們的神鬼祖先的關係,正如美姑著名畢摩曲比索莫所說的那樣「『畢呢莫木蘇』(畢諺,意即畢摩是調解人)我們畢摩就像彝族的『德古』(ndep-ggu民間法官)一樣,德古調解人與人的關係,家支與家支之間的關係。畢摩調解的是人與神鬼、人與祖先的關係。」然而,畢摩做調解人,其立足點是為人們服務,事鬼神終究為的是人事,調解的結果,除了要促成人們與其信仰對象的和解、互助,更多的是為了讓人們與他們的神鬼甚至與祖先脫離關係,不再相互影響。

畢摩很早就從彝族社會中分化而出,成為二個神職群體。這從畢摩的系譜中從規範化制度化的畢摩報酬制度2中可以反映出來。民改前,畢摩的報酬除了貨幣形式的白銀、實物形式的牲畜、糧食、布匹和勞務形式的勞役外,槍支、奴隸、煙土、土地也進入了畢摩儀式收入的範疇。彝諺日:「虎豹有空手而回的,畢摩蘇尼做儀式後卻沒有空手而返的。」至今涼山彝族畢摩仍然以其儀式的收入報酬為全部或部分生活來源。

總之,彝族畢摩是專門從事宗教活動,處理人們信仰事務的神職人員,他們以念誦經文的形式來調解人們與神鬼和祖先之間的關係,並通過提供服務獲取報酬作為生活的全部或部分來源。

二、畢摩成員有與自己職業活動相關的特殊信仰

鬼神信仰是彝民族的共同信仰,而畢摩除了崇信鬼神之外,還有自己特殊的信仰,隨著畢摩職業的形成和發展,畢摩神職觀念在從業人員頭腦中的確立,逐漸出現了適合畢摩職業需要,保護畢摩活動和利益的神靈,這些神靈是畢摩成員們特有的信仰對象,它們主要有畢摩神、護法神、法具和經書的魂靈幾種類型。

畢摩神系彝語「畢爾」(bi-lu)的意譯,指在譜系中可供追溯的歷代畢摩祖先神靈,彝族傳統社會裡有少數家支被社會認可是從其某一代祖先始就從事畢摩職業的家支,比如,吉克家支、沙馬家支、吉裡家支、的惹家支等等。這些家支有從事畢摩職業的傳統,世世代代執掌畢摩之職,被尊為畢摩神的畢摩祖先就是各畢摩家支的已故先祖,同時生前又是其下一代子孫們從事畢摩活動的教師或師傅。他們的魂靈被自己的畢摩後裔們奉為禪靈加以崇拜,一方面作為祖神保佑其後代繁衍興旺,另一方面作為職業守護神保佑後世畢摩子孫行畢順利儀式成功。可見,畢摩神具有祖先神和行業神的雙重特性,在重視血親關係和血緣傳承的彝族社會中,不同家支畢摩們的畢摩神自然有家系之別。這一點從彝文經書《畢此額以碼》中就可以看出。《畢此額以碼》可譯為《畢摩譜系經》,是每一個畢摩家支的每一位畢摩必備的經書。經書中從本家支中第一位從事畢摩活動的祖先開始敘述,按師徒連名的形式(一般是父子,在特殊情況下是叔侄、祖孫)一直到持有此經書並使用此經書的畢摩為止。經書一方面是畢摩們有畢摩家傳世系背景的證明;另一方面無論做任何儀式,畢摩何部要念誦或背誦此經,經中呼請本家支歷代畢摩祖先神蒞臨享祭助法,保佑儀式順利成功。畢摩神信仰中重視血緣的傳承和延續,強調對與自己有血緣關係的畢摩祖先的信仰。這無疑是彝族祖靈信仰和畢摩職業活動相結合的產物。其作用在於確立租鞏固畢摩的父子血緣關係,保證其神職地位和身份在本家支內的傳遞和繼承。

畢摩們除了各自信仰與自己有血緣關係的的畢摩神外,還普遍崇信各畢摩家支在歷史上湧現出來的名傳遐爾的著名的畢摩神。這類畢摩神往往在生前對畢摩的職業活動有特殊的貢獻。在彝族的傳說中,他們具有非凡的業績和奇異的技能,具有淵博的知識和高尚的德行。比如在儀式儀軌方面有特殊貢獻的體比渣姆和海比史祖;規範文字整理經書的畢阿蘇拉則能把大山咒垮的阿格俄莫等等。這些出自不同家支的畢摩英雄們是畢摩的代表人物,是後世畢摩們的精神領袖,每於儀式活動,畢摩們要念誦《畢補特依》即《畢摩獻神經》,呼請這些著名的畢摩神享祭助法,保佑儀式成功。對這些著名的畢摩神的信仰也是畢摩神信仰的一種類型。這類打破血緣界限,超越家支範圍、以功德神跡為基礎的畢摩神信仰,是英雄崇拜和畢摩職業活動相結合的產物。其作用在於激發和增強從業人員的敬業精神,鼓勵畢摩們以歷史上著名畢摩的業績為榜樣,求學上進,致力業務。

護法神是指幫助畢摩做法的神靈,彝語稱之為「木爾木色」(mu-lu-mu-si),意即自然界的各種神靈,包括天神、地神、山神、風神、岩神、雨神、雷神、樹神、鷹神等等。這些神靈本來是彝民族普遍信仰的自然神,各有其不同的司職。但畢摩們把它們納入自己的職業活動中,奉為護法神,每場儀式畢摩都要用插神枝的形式為這些護法神設置神位,呼請護法神來享祭助法。至於每場儀式活動邀請哪些自然神、多少自然神來護法?要根據儀式的性質、規模以及儀式犧牲的種類大小不同而定。如做「曉補」(xuo-bur)反咒等小型儀式,用牲僅為一只公雞,就只請附近一些山神來護法。如做「撮日」(co-ssy)咒人等大型儀式,用牲為牛、羊等犧牲,要呼請天神、地神、岩神、樹神等等眾多的神靈來享祭助法。為此,有專門的經書《木爾木色畢》即《清神經》和《莫果莫社特依》即《招兵請將經》。自然神被請做護法,具有臨時性的特點。畢摩們呼之則來,揮之則去。儀式中暫時改變其原有的司職成為護法神,幫助畢摩做法。

對法具魂靈和經書魂靈的信仰也是畢摩們的特殊信仰,法具和經書是畢摩職業活動的手段和根據。據彝文經書《畢補特依》記載:遠古女里、什叟、莫木、格俄幾個時代均有人做畢摩,但因不置金水鼓,不行骨卜,不佩杉簽筒,不持竹神扇,不戴神斗簽,不搖神鈴、不念經書,因而驅鬼鬼不走,祈福福不至,治病病不愈‧直到邛布時代,才有了上述種種法具和經書,畢摩藉著法具和經書的法力,袪病驅鬼,招魂納福無所不能。法具和經書之所以有法力,在畢摩看來並不單單因為其特殊的形制,在法具和經書的形體中潛藏著一顆跳動的魂靈。魂失則法力失,魂受損害、玷污,其法力也受影響。向法具和經書獻祭,招法具和經書的魂靈,對法具和經書去污除穢等儀式行為就是在這種信仰的基礎上產生的。有關法具的製作、使用、收藏,以及經書的抄寫、流通等諸多的規定和禁忌也是這種信仰的表現。

總之,「對畢摩神、護法神以及法具經書魂靈的信仰是畢摩群體特有的信仰。這些信仰為畢摩內部全都成員所恪守,是畢摩從事神職活動的信仰力量,是畢摩階層賴以生存和發展的精神支柱。

三、畢摩內部有一套約定俗成的特殊的宗教制度

在長期的宗教實踐中,為了維繫畢摩共同體的存在和發展,指導畢摩成員進行宗教神職活動,畢摩內部逐漸形成了一套特殊的宗教制度。這些制度不是某個機關自覺訂立的強制性的規章,而是在畢摩神職活動中自發形成的習俗慣制。這些習俗慣制與畢摩的神職角色和職業活動相聯繫,為畢摩成員的行為確定標準和依據。它們主要包括畢摩慣制和畢摩儀軌兩個方面的內容。畢摩慣制是指有關畢摩自身及其活動的習慣性的規定和制度。據筆者初步研究,畢摩傳承慣制、「畢界」(bi-jjie)從畢慣制、「畢策」(bi-cip)棄畢慣制以及「畢幾」(bi-ji)游畢慣制就是畢摩內部共同奉行和遵守的習俗慣制。

畢摩傳承慣制是有關畢摩自身神職地位和身份的傳遞與繼承的習俗規定。我們知道,老一輩畢摩會不斷衰老、死亡,這是不可抗拒的自然規律。那末,畢摩的地位和身份究竟傳遞給誰?誰有資格接替畢摩的職業、從事畢摩的活動呢?畢摩隊伍在新成員的吸收和補充方面有自己的傳承原則。其一,傳男不傳女,與彝族社會的父系繼承制度相適應,畢摩傳承中奉行傳男不傳女的原則。在彝族人看來,畢摩職業是一種神聖的職業,必須限制在族體內部傳遞延續,使家支永遠保持畢摩世家的殊榮和地位。而女性十七歲以後無論出嫁與否都不再視為父親家支的成員,因而沒有繼承畢摩神職身份和地位的權利和機會。其二,以畢摩世家的傳承為主導。畢摩傳承主要以畢摩世家家傳為主。以保證少數畢摩家支永遠擁有從事畢摩職業的特權。其三,以非畢摩世家的傳承為輔,非畢摩家支的人在一定情況下也可向有家傳背景的畢摩拜師學畢。彝語稱之為「之畢」(zzyt-bi),意即非正宗的畢摩,「之畢」在畢摩中地位很低,由於沒有同血緣的畢摩祖先助祭護法,沒有祖傳的經書法具,法力不高,不能主持祭祖、咒人、咒鬼、招魂等大型的重要的儀式,「之畢」大多一代人做畢,不能將畢摩之職傳遞給兒孫,永遠也不能發展為畢摩家支。從上述畢摩傳承的幾個原則不難看出,決定畢摩傳承的主要因素是血緣觀念和特權意識。畢摩這個以職業為特徵而形成的神職階層,最終還是走不出血緣的籓籬,脫離不了彝族家支的血緣臍帶而徹底邁向業緣。

「畢界」慣制和「畢策」慣制是有關畢摩從畢和棄畢的習俗慣制。畢摩職業是代理人們與神鬼交通的神聖職業,不能隨意出入。在其就業與退業方面有一定的習慣規定並伴有一定的儀式行為。從畢就業,必須經過長期的專門的教育和培訓,彝語稱之為「畢若」(bi-sso),意為學畢。學畢期間生徒一方面學習有關畢摩的知識技能,一方面熟悉畢摩的道德規範,培養一定的角色認知。如果老師認為此學生已能獨立行畢做法,可以出師,彝語稱為「畢界」,就舉行「畢界畢洛」(bi-jjie-bi-hlo)出師祭神儀式。儀式要請遠近畢摩和親朋好友們參加,將生徒獲得的新的身份和職責的事實公諸於眾。儀式上,老師贈送法具和經書給學生,呼請畢摩神、護法神、法具和經書的魂靈保佑此人日後法術成功儀式順利。經過老師。神靈、社會三方面的認可,畢摩隊伍又補充、接納了一名新成員。

「畢策」意為棄畢或戒畢,是有關畢摩退業的一種制度。畢摩一般是終身性的職業,棄畢退業有兩種情況。其一,某畢摩因其靈魂與畢摩神、護法神以及法具經書的魂靈不和,行畢不利,不能給儀式主人帶來平安吉祥,畢摩本人或家庭也因畢出現災異。因此,退業棄畢。但其子孫可以重操舊業,其二,世襲畢摩的後裔,因種種原因,三代以來無人學畢從畢,也要舉行儀式棄畢,子子孫孫永遠放棄做畢摩的資格和權利。棄畢伴有「畢沙」(bi-sha)的儀式活動。「畢沙」意為祭送幫助畢摩做法的各路神靈。此儀式與前述「畢界畢洛」從畢儀式一樣,要通過畢摩(請別的畢摩主持此儀式)、神靈、社會三方面的認可,解除此畢摩與各路神靈的關係,宣布其放棄畢摩職業。在一場獻祭之後,將代表各神神靈的神枝以及經書法具送到很遠的山野裡。

「畢幾」慣制是調節畢摩與畢摩之間以及畢摩與其他社會組織之間相互關係的習慣制度。「畢幾」可以譯為游畢。我們知道,畢摩神職活動具有獨立性、分散性。游動性的特點。畢摩們挨村竄戶應主人家之約請游畢做法,常常數月不歸。那末,畢摩與畢摩之間的地域、範圍和家支如何協調?依附於甲主子的畢摩能否到乙主子的地盤上或冤家家支的領地上行畢呢?如果甲畢摩到乙畢摩做「畢色」(bi-si,可直譯為「畢主」)的人家臨時行畢做法,按「畢幾」慣制規定儀式報酬(或犧牲或貨幣)的一部分歸乙畢摩。如果長期行畢做法,取代了乙畢摩成為畢主,儀式主人家和甲畢摩要付一定的補償金給乙畢摩,乙畢摩放棄自己的畢主地位,在大小涼山彝族地區,人們大部按家支聚集而居,每個諾夥(黑彝)家支或玆莫(土司)都有自己的勢力範圍。畢摩家支一般依附著某一諾夥家支或玆莫家支。分布在各地的為數不多的畢摩家支肩負著廣大彝區各家支家庭的儀式任務,按「畢幾」游畢慣制,只要是頭戴神簽,手持神扇,身背經囊,肩挎神笠,並能背誦畢摩譜系的畢摩,都可以在彝族地區的任何一個村寨、任何一個家支中做法行畢,誰也不得干涉阻止,如果出現干擾畢摩活動。傷害游畢畢摩的事件,按習慣法要處以重罰。有時還會導致戰爭,甚或導致所有畢摩家支聯合以宗教的手段詛咒,將對方置於死地。因此,畢摩在彝區游畢,安全通暢,普遍受到人們的尊重和保護。

畢摩儀軌是指畢摩從事各種儀式活動必須遵循的儀式程式和規定的總和,畢摩稱之為「畢階莫階」(bi-jie-mop-jie),意思是做法的規矩或儀式的原則。彝族宗教儀式複雜多樣,儀式程序神秘繁瑣。在長期的的儀式生活中。畢摩們的各種儀式活動和行為逐漸劃一,形成較為固定的程式和規範。從儀式程序來看,各種儀式大致包括以下項目:(1)「木古此」(mu-gu-cyt)點煙火迎神助;(2)「爾擦蘇」(lur-ca-su)清潔禮;(3)「燕爾」(yie-lyt)開場白;(4)「特」(te)調和神靈禮;(5)「木爾木色畢」(mux-lup-mu-se-bi)請神助法;(6)獻牲(活獻);(7)念經做法;(8)獻牲(打牲生獻);(9)念經做法;(10)獻牲(熟獻包括燒獻和煮獻):(11)安神送神;(12)「卡巴切」(ka-bba-qip) 付畢摩報酬。從儀式的各種不成文的規定來看,比如儀式擇日擇牲就有嚴格的講究,大型儀式不僅要擇日,還要擇月、擇年、擇時辰。儀式犧牲則講究公母、毛色、年齡、質量、種類。祭牲方式有活獻、生獻、熟獻、血祭、角祭等等。再如,各種儀式以樹枝插成儀式場,不同的儀式所需樹枝種類不同、數量不同、插法不同、象徵的內容不同。畢酬制度也是一項重要的儀式儀軌。畢酬有勞務、實物、貨幣三類,付給畢摩報酬是對畢摩神職活動的承認與報答。但所給畢摩報酬的種類、數量,要依據儀式的性質規模,用牲的多少甚至畢摩與主人的關係而定,有一定的習慣規定,畢摩不能漫天要價胡亂索取。畢摩報酬制度的形成是畢摩宗教活動職業化的反映。

有關畢摩傳承、出師、退業、游畢的習俗慣制以及有關畢摩儀式儀軌的制度規定,使畢摩的神職行為與活動統一化、規範化、秩序化、自覺化,是畢摩神職共同體得以存在和維繫的重要保障。

四、畢摩階層有共同遵守的宗教職業道德

畢摩成員共同遵守的群體規範除了畢摩饋制‧畢摩儀軌外:還以畢摩道德的形式表現出來。畢摩道德就其性質來說,是一種宗教神職道德,在職業活動中,畢摩不僅與神鬼、與人何發生交往,世與其他的畢摩產生聯繫。由此,結成了三種基本的職業關係,這就是畢摩與神鬼。畢摩與「維色」(vi-si即儀式主人),畢摩與畢摩之間的關係。為了調節畢摩職業活動中的各種關係,維護畢摩的職業信譽和神職尊嚴,慢慢萌發和逐漸形成了調節、指導、約束畢摩職業行為的神職道德。

我們知道,彝族的宗教信仰具有濃重的功利色彩,人們崇拜祖先、信仰神鬼,目的是企求現實的平安與幸福。作為宗教職業者,畢摩的任務和使命不是幫助人們獲得自身的解脫、靈魂的得救和死後進入天堂,而是通過與神鬼交通,幫助人們趨吉避兇、去禍納福,實現五榖豐登、六畜興旺、人丁繁衍、家支壯大的顯示現實需求。為人們的生存和發展提供一種信仰和精神上的支持和滿足。有畢諺曰:「儀式三天聽消息,主人是否吉祥與平安。」可見,畢摩職業與其說是對神靈負責,為神靈工作,還不如說是為人們負責,為儀式主人服務。畢摩的神職道德就是圍繞著畢摩的職業責任而建構的,與畢摩職業的性質、特點緊密相關的行為規範。它包括以下幾方面的內容:

1.熱愛神職,忠於職守。如前所述,畢摩的宗教職業活動是人們賴以生存和發展的一種信仰依託。這就要求畢摩成員們對自己從事的職業和社會價值有充分的認識,在情感上加深對神職工作的熾愛,形成一定的職業榮譽感和從事神職工作的堅定志向。要求畢摩成員在職業活動中具有高度的責任感,急儀式主人之所急,憂儀式主人之所憂。對儀式活動認真負責、仔細周到。如果偷懶耍滑、馬虎草率、玩忽職守,儀式出現紕漏,就會給主人家甚至畢摩自己帶來不幸和災難。畢諺曰:「經文刪減傷畢摩,神枝不足傷主人」。熱愛神職,忠於職守是從事畢摩職業的基本的道德要求。

2.一視同仁,平等待人。在彝族傳統社會中,每一個等級,每一個家支,每一個家庭甚至每一個人都需要畢摩。畢摩服務的對象十分廣泛。人們可以選擇法術高、品德好的畢摩做儀式,卻不允許畢摩選擇儀式和儀式的主人。有諺曰:「駿馬不擇所的道路,德古不擇所遇的糾紛,畢摩不擇來約儀式的主人,」平等待人是畢摩神職道德中的重要規範之一。其具體要求是,畢摩做儀式要無貧富之分,無貴賤之別,無親疏之差。無論面對的是什麼樣的儀式主人,都要以同樣的責任心盡職盡責地做好儀式。如果嫌貧愛富,差別待人,就會受到來自社會和畢摩成員的非議和譴責。人們會冷落他,不再請他做儀式。同行會鄙視他,不再與他切磋技藝。畢摩們之所以能得到社會的普遍尊重,除了人們對其神性的敬畏外,也歸因於畢摩們大都具有平等待人的品質。

3.誠實求信,遵守畢約。誠實求信,遵守畢約是畢摩職業活動的特點決定的,也是社會對畢摩成員提出的起碼道德要求。彝族的宗教儀式一般要事先掐算、擇日,提前數日或十數日由主人或託人通知畢摩。有的特殊的儀式如「格非依此畢」招生有魂儀式在頭一年就要約定。畢摩屆時身背經囊,肩挎法具如約做法。畢摩的活動被認為是解人之憂,救人之危。因此,無論路途如何崎嶇艱難,天氣如何惡劣,不管家中有何等重要的事情纏身、畢摩都必須按時前往。做畢摩必須言而有信,以違約背信為恥。有彝諺曰:「請畢,畢不來的可以殺」。如果言而無信,得不到大家的信任,日後就無人約請做法事,就會失去畢摩的地位和身份。

4.尊重同行,互敬互學。尊重同行,互敬互學是調節畢摩與畢摩之間相互關係的行為規範。彝諺曰:「在知識面前,畢不分大小」。畢摩群體中,提倡互相學習,取長補短。許多畢摩在一生中數次或十數次雲游四方,遍訪名師,廣授經書,吸收各家之長為我所用。每於大型儀式,遠近畢摩聞訊前來,義務協助做法,切磋技藝,換抄經書。「蘇尼是冤家,畢摩是一家」,彝族社會中普遍認為蘇尼走到一起就相互攻擊踩踏,而畢摩走到一起則相互學習交流。那種自以為是,隨意攻擊誣蔑其他畢摩的行為,要受到畢摩們的聲討和責難。相互尊重和學習,增強了畢摩內部的聯繫和團結。

5.舉止莊重,行為純正。舉止莊重,行為純正是有關畢摩的言語。飲食、性等行為方面的道德要求。畢摩是人與神鬼的中介,具有一定的神性。其日常生活中的舉止言談行為活動均要顯示出超凡脫俗的特性,以表現畢摩的神聖,獲得神靈的認可和人們的信賴。因此,忌諱畢摩口出髒話、嘴碎、撥弄是非;否則,認為此畢摩「克阿古」即嘴不牢不穩重,不值得神靈和人們的信任。禁止畢摩使用和打殺靈掌類動物如虎、熊、狗、貓等;否則,畢摩污穢,神靈不佑,失去法力。禁止畢摩有偷盜行為。忌諱畢摩在兩性關係上的不嚴肅。畢摩神和護法神均不保佑這類畢摩。在大型儀式如送靈祭祖儀式時,儀式前夕和儀式過程中,禁止畢摩有性生活;否則,畢摩不潔,祖靈受玷污,回不了祖地,禁止儀式中畢摩酗酒,對儀式不負責任。有彝諺曰:「畢歪不勝魔」,即言畢摩行為不當就會失去神靈的保佑,戰勝不了鬼怪。

6.吃苦耐勞。畢摩職業是一個十分辛苦的行業。外出游畢,要守約按時做法,要麼風餐野宿,要麼日夜兼程。做一次儀式,常常要趕一、二天的路程才能到達儀式地點。筆者跟隨畢摩老師外出游畢,步行騎馬,累得筋疫力盡,下馬後雙腿麻木,不會舉步。大型儀式多至數日、十數日,必須日夜連續作戰,不能延誤。有時連熬幾夜,瞌睡難挨,暗暗叫苦。有些生徒在學畢期間就吃不了苦,受不得累,輟學停畢。做一個稱職的畢摩必須具有堅韌不拔的毅力和吃苦耐勞的品德。

7.不貪錢財。相傳,早期畢摩是義務做法,不取報酬。但隨著社會的發展,畢摩職業的形成和固定化,畢摩開始依靠和部分依靠其儀式收入為生活來源,在職業活動中要收取一定的報酬。畢摩報酬的內容和數量依據習俗而定。忌諱畢摩與主人在報酬上發生爭執。禁止畢摩向主人索取高額報酬。對無力支付報酬的主人,畢摩同樣要盡職盡責做好儀式。「不能與主人爭報酬」是畢摩們的一句口頭禪,也是畢摩成員遵循的道德原則。

畢摩道德以畢摩的神職活動為基礎,反映了從事畢摩職業的人們的特殊道德要求,帶有神職行業的特徵。在職業道德實踐中,畢摩們形成了比較穩定的神職心理和習慣,鑄就了畢摩階層特殊的品德和平和、穩重、富有同情心和責任感的人格特徵。

五、畢摩成員有一定的群體認可感和歸屬感

彝族傳統社會以血緣為紐帶維繫而成,其最基本的群體認同是同一血緣的家支認同。畢摩一方面是家支成員,一方面又是神職人員,作為家支成員,畢摩具有對本家支的認同感和歸屬感。作為神職人員,畢摩已跨出了血緣的界限,以業緣共同的宗教職業為紐帶聯繫在一起,又具有一定的對神職共同體的認同感和歸屬感。雖然存在著這兩種不同的認同意識和歸屬意識,但由於畢摩成員對畢摩群體的認同,主要是從對同一血緣的畢摩家支的認同擴展而來的。換句話說,畢摩家支是畢摩階層存在的社會載體,畢摩成員的認同是由對各自畢摩家支的認同過渡為對整個畢摩群體的認同的。因此,這兩種不同的認同自然有相互結合的契機,畢摩的血緣認同與神職認同在某種方面達成一致。

畢摩同職,即畢摩們從事同一種職業,是畢摩成員認同的基礎和核心。如前所述,畢摩從事神職工作,充任人與神、人與鬼、人與祖先的調解人,處理信仰事務,為人們謀求平安幸福。在長久的同樣的宗教實踐中,畢摩們形成了一些共同的特有的信仰,形成了一致的習俗慣制、道德規範以及相似相同的儀式行為。這使每一位畢摩成員感覺到大家具有相似性,具有同一種身份,屬於同一個職業群體,形成了「我是畢摩」、「我們畢摩」的認同心理和意識。這種心理和意識也藉著與其他群體的區別與聯繫而得以加強。彝族人有這樣一種對自己族人的分類系統,即把所有彝人分為「畢摩」與「卓卓」(dzop-dzop)兩大類。除畢摩而外,所有彝人不管出身於什麼階層、何種等級都被劃為「卓卓」範疇。我們知道,畢摩成員的資格和身份要經過神靈、社會、畢摩三方面的認可。因而,畢摩群體與「卓卓」的界限是明確清晰的。哪些家支是能做畢摩的家支?哪些家支不能做畢摩畢摩?誰是畢摩?誰不是畢摩?當事人、神靈、大家都是十分清楚的。在宗教生活中,畢摩和「卓卓」有不同的身份、責任和義務。畢摩依靠自己與神鬼、祖先交通的工作來為人們謀福利,進而維持自己的地位和生活。「卓卓」因畢摩的工作而獲得「平安幸福」並因此支付畢酬,供養畢摩。可見,畢摩因「卓卓」而存在。畢摩群體的認同是建立在與「卓卓」交往和互助的基礎上的。

畢摩的群體認同還表現為畢摩成員之間的相互支持和幫助。畢摩階層是自發形成的具有專門知識和技能的職業群體,沒有固定的宗教活動場所,亦無任何專門的神職機構,內部解構鬆散。畢摩們的神職工作具有分散、獨立、游動的特性。但是,畢摩群體內部仍然有經常性的交往和聯繫。如師徒之間的授業解惑,儀式中的互助協作,技藝方面的共同切磋,經書的互換互抄,以及遍訪名師的風習等等。這些交往和互助的形式既是畢摩群體認同的結果,也是導致畢摩成員認同的原因;為了維護本階層的神聖地位,保護自身的利益,畢摩群體在一定程度上聯合起來,出現了「委吐蒙格」這種畢摩互助的集會形式。「委吐」(vut-tu)指畢摩的法具神簽筒,也是畢摩的象徵,「蒙格」(mo-mgep)指會議、集會。「委吐蒙格」也就是畢摩集會,這種會議在「畢媳被拐,畢摩被殺,畢髻被揪,畢財被搶,法具被盜」等幾種情況下臨時召開,一般在事發當地舉行。凡是接到通知和知道此事的遠近畢摩畢徒都要參加。參加會議的畢摩不分等級、家支、大小。如一九二一年,布拖縣衣某區木得阿晉村曲諾畢摩吉爾烏慈的漢族丫頭被人綑走賣掉。吉爾烏慈發出邀請,召開「委吐蒙格」。布拖範圍內的畢摩各家支一百多人應邀參加。會議由聲望較高的畢摩主持。除當場舉行咒人儀式詛咒懷疑對象外,還將被綑丫頭的名字、出事的地點和時間寫在「撮日特依」(co-ssy-tep-yyp)咒人書上,分發給每個與會的畢摩。以後凡到會的畢摩無論到哪家舉行宗教儀式,都要按咒人書所寫的內容詛咒綁架者,直到認為肇事者已被咒死為止。據說,在召開這類集會時,有的畢摩因做儀式不能前來參加,也要寫咒人的木板書彝語稱為「撮日薩批」(co-ssy-sy-pop)掛在路旁的大樹上以示聲援。「委吐蒙格」是畢摩們團結互助的象徵,也是畢摩群體具有認同感和歸屬感的表現。

畢摩的群體認同是建立在業緣基礎上的神職認同。這種認同是畢摩群體的一種自我意識,反映了畢摩階層的利益、願塑和要求。畢摩的群體認同是畢摩成員團結和內聚的心理和精神力量。

結束語,涼山彝族畢摩是以念誦經文的形式調解人與神鬼、人與祖先的關係的宗教職業者。作為一個神職階層,畢摩群體在長期的宗教職業活動中形成了自身的特徵。其一,畢摩階層擁有與其神職活動密切相關的特殊信仰。這些信仰以對畢摩神、護法神以及法具經書的魂靈的崇信為主要內容,為全體畢摩成員所恪守,是畢摩們從事神職活動的精神支柱。其二,畢摩內部有一套約定俗成的特殊的宗教制度。這些制度是有關畢摩傳承、出師、退業、游畢等的習俗慣制以及有關畢摩儀式儀軌的制度規定。其三,畢摩成員有共同遵守的宗教職業道德。這些道德規範調節規範畢摩與神靈、畢摩與人們、畢摩與畢摩之間的關係,帶有神職行業的特徵。其作用在於維護畢摩的職業信譽和神職尊嚴。第四,畢摩成員具有一定的建立在業緣基礎上的神職認同感。這種認同感是畢摩群體的一種自我意識,是畢摩成員團結和內聚的心理力量和情感紐帶。
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Sunday, 27 August 2006

論道家、道教的生態思想

在中國道家及後來的道教理論中,包含著相當豐富的有關生態保護的思想,如道法自然,人與天一,三才相盜,貴生戒殺等觀點,即是其學說中的精髓,亦對當代社務的發展具有一定的啟示。本文就此而論,以求正專家、學者。

一、 道法自然的原則

道法自然,這是先秦道家及漢唐以來的道教共同宗奉的中心理念,是整個道家、道教思想體系的核心。

關於「道」這一字,殷周之際的金文已經出現,其本義是指道路。後來,道的內涵由具體到一般,逐漸普遍化、抽象化,引申出法則、方法、規律等。至春秋時,便開始把道分為天道和人道。所謂「天道」是指日月的運行,陰陽的消息,它們的運動變化,都具有內在的必然性,即有不以人們主觀願望而改變的客觀規律,故謂之天道。所謂「人道」即人之所以為人的根據和原則,包括人的自然本性和道德倫理規範,以及社會群體的典章制度、組織、原則等。據《左傳》《國語》的說法,人道的各種原則,都是依據天道而制定的,奉禮盡義,就是符合天道。反之就是逆天而行,必遭禍災。這樣一來,人道與天道就互相貫通了,遵守人道也就是順應天道。這即是對人倫之道的升格,也是中國古代天人合一思想原始的表述。

以上所說的道,無論是天道還是人道,其所指都還是有限的事物,尚未將道提升為完全獨立的哲學概念。是《道德經》第一次使「道」擺脫了一切形而下的感性色彩,使之成為具有普遍性的最高哲學概念。從此,中國哲學便以道論為基石,進而發展出各種形態的理論體系。道,不僅成為道家、道教的最高信仰,而且成為全體中國人心目中最高真理的代稱。

道,在《道德經》那裡,首先被看作是生育天地萬物的本原。他說﹕道是虛無而沒有形體的,但郤不虧不盈,深奧莫測,體含萬象,永無窮盡,好像萬物的始祖。它不露鋒芒,超脫糾紛,涵蓄著光輝,混同著垢塵,是那樣的無形元象啊,似無有而實存在。我不知道它是從哪裡產生的,但知道它出現在上帝之先。在這裡,老子把道看作是天地萬物的最後本原,從理論上建立了一個以道為根本的宇宙本體。這無疑是對我國古代本體論思想發展的一大貢獻。

lyg_ct老子所說的道,究其根本,實際上就是指宇宙。他說:有一個混然一體的東西,它先天地而存在。無聲無形,杳冥空洞,永遠不依靠外在的力量,自身不停地循環運行,可以算做天下萬物的母體。我不知道它的名,把它叫做「道」再勉強給它起名叫做「大」道之所以被命名為「大」是因為其無邊無涯。道不止於大,又能不分晝夜的運行不息,故又可謂「逝」其愈逝愈遠,無法窮盡其源,故又可謂之「遠」。但雖遠至六合之外,無窮無盡,郤未嘗離道,仍然依道循環運行,故又可謂「反」。所以說道大,天大,地大,人亦大,宇宙同有四大,而人居其一。人要效法地,效法天,效法道,道則有它自已固有的規律即自然而然為法則。這是老子對道的全面描述。它將生成萬物的本體、運動性、規律性、時間和空間的無限性集於一身,指的就是宇宙。同時,老子還提出了作人的最基本的原則,那就是效法天地之道,遵循自然的規律,而不違道妄作。

老子的道是外於永恆運動中的宇宙,它的本質屬性是生成天地、萬物和人矣。他說:道生混沌一氣,一氣分剖陰陽,為一生二,陰陽變化,而生天、地、人,為二生三;三才既具,萬物資主,為三生萬物。萬物內涵陰陽,即負抱陰陽,陰陽在沖和之氣中得到統一。這段話語簡直是對宇宙演化的一種樸素而形象的描述。由無形無象的汽態宇宙,演化出固態宇宙,乃至形成各種物體﹔從固態的無機物中,又衍生出有機物,乃至形形色色的生命體,其生成的機理便是陰陽的相反相成。在整個宇宙生成鏈的各個層次上,陰陽是流動的活力,大道則是貫穿始終、遍達萬有的根本,老子把它形容為「眾妙之門」不是非常貼切的比喻嗎?

在老子的學說中,道是最高的範疇。但在這個宇宙本源道之上,老子還特意加上了一個「自然」要道遵從自然,效法自然,所以說「道法自然」。不過,這是所說的「自然」並不是一個實體,而是一種法則,正如王弼所注:「道不違自然,方得其性。法自然者,在方而法方,在圓而法圓,於自然無所違也。並不是說在道之上還有一個主宰,而只是強調道也必須遵循自然的規律辦事,突出道的自然無為的本性。

道法自然之「法」在這裡是指遵循、仿效之意。老子之道是產生天地萬物的根源,所以天地萬物遵循道的變化而生息。但作為宇宙最終本源的道,也不能隨意的作為,它也有所遵循,這就是自然的法則。換句活說,宇宙之中的一切事物(包括宇宙自然),都處在一種有序的運動之中,一切都有內在的法則,而所有的法則和秩序,都來自於道,都是自然而然的體現,毫無人力勉強的痕跡。

那麼,作為宇宙之中的四大之一的人類,所作所為當然也應該遵循這個宇宙統一的法則,不能脫離和違背。對此,老子強調說:大德之人的行為,都是遵循大道的自然規律。法自然,宗無為,這是老子思想的靈魂,亦是道家、道教學說的綱領。道家、道教的學說包羅萬象,涉及宇宙本體、天地演化、萬物生育、人生修養、治國用兵各個領域,但皆有一條主線貫通其中,這就是自然無為的法則。遵循這一法則的才可能稱之為道家,背離這一法則便背離了道家,因此可以說法自然、宗無為正是道家、道教一脈心法。

在老子的眼裡,如何理解人和天(即大自然)的關係,並非是一個純粹抽象的哲學命題,而是一種提高生命質量的生存之道,因此,人與大自然的融合共存,不僅是後天的必要,更是先天的決定。人既然來自天地,理應法天則地,遵循大自然的規律,這是道家天人合一思想的要害,也決定了道家對社會和自然的觀察、研究,都力圖採取客觀的視角和冷靜的態度。正是這種道法自然的思想定勢,喚起了道家中人熱愛自然、尊重客觀規律的美好情操。他們重視「天地與我併生,而萬物與我為一」的自然生態,強調自然和人之間、宇宙大生命與個體小生命之間的同極與互動的關係,誘導人們從自然哲學轉到生命哲學的研究,影響和推動了我國古代自然科學的發展。

老子及後來的道家學者,皆一致肯定了萬有協和性、涵蘊性及依存性,指出宇宙、天地和人類一同生存,萬物與人們休戚相關,不容分離。道家的這種萬物涵蘊、彼此相聯的整體和合觀,與西方哲學中心物二分、主客對立、人天分判的二分法是截然不同的。既然人類和大自然、萬物本為一個和諧的有機的統一體,人類又有什麼理由去暴殮萬物,破壞人天共有的環境呢?所以老子悅:聖人辦事自然無為,因此不會失敗,不會遭到損失。如人類能自覺地「輔助萬物的自然發展而不加干涉」就能保持良好的生態環境,獲得持久發展的生存空間,體現生命的真正價值。顯然,以老子為代表的道家學說是頗富遠見的,其科學價值也是毋庸置疑的,並為近現代因片面追求征服自然所造成的前所未有的生態危機所證實。

一九七二年六月在斯德哥爾摩舉行的人類所史上第一次全球環境會議,發表了《聯合國人類環境會議宣言》及七個共同觀點和二十六個共同原則,鄭重地向世界宣布:「保護和改善人類環境已經成為人類一個迫切的任務。於是各國群眾相繼發起了各種環境保護運動,並反思西方的現代文明及其哲學觀、價值觀,尋求解決生存危機的新思想、新文化。許多有遠見的思想家、科學家紛紛從古老的東方文明中去等找靈感與智慧,特別是把眼光凝聚在以老子為代表的道家、道教身上。

例如,以研究環境問題而聞名於世的羅馬俱樂部主席奧爾利歐.佩奇(Aurelio Peccei)認為。人們在陶醉於自已的能力和眼前成績時,並未意識到在許多情況下,明天將為今天的收益償付重大的代價。此外,他們從各個方面使用科學論證的同時,郤疏忽了唯一能夠不斷起到協調作用的哲學、論理和信仰,其中最重要的一點就是當代人已經丟失了的整體感,這是一種嚴重的倒退…現代社會應該恢復這種觀念。他繼而預言;「未來將是一次偉大的文化復興的發展」。(1)展望未來,這種新型的發展觀,不再單純是強調科技文明,而追求人類心靈文化的重生。而他所說的「整體觀」無疑使人一看就聯想到了老子。另一位比利時著名的科學家普里高津說:「中國文明對人類、社會和自然之間的關係,有著深刻的理解,中國的思想對於那些想擴大西方科學範圍和意義的哲學家和科學家來說,始終是個啟迪的源泉」。(2)人文主義物理學家卡普拉指出「在偉大的諸傳統中,據我看,道家提供了最深刻並且最完美的生態智慧,它強調在自然的循環中,令人和社會的一切現象和潛在兩者的基本一致」。(3)英國科學家李約瑟亦高度評價了道家哲學包含的人文主義精神,他說:「遠在我們這個時代以前,中國思想已經前進到科學人文主義的地位。其特點就是:「它從來不把人和自然分開。他還預測說:「想來沒有比歐美和中國文明的合流更偉大的。依我的感覺,我們愈是研究它們兩方面,愈覺得他們像由兩個不同的作曲家所作的兩章不同的交響樂,其主調本是一樣的」。(4)

日本著名物理學家、諾貝爾物理學獎獲得者湯川秀樹也認為:我們現在不得不擔憂人類會不會沉沒到科學文明這種人造的第二自然中去。老子的『天地不仁,以萬物為芻狗』的聲明獲得了新的和威脅性的意義,如果我們把『天地』看作包括第二自然界在內的自然界,並把『萬物』看作包括人本身在內的話」他還進一步指出:「早在二千多年前,老子就已經預見到了今天人類文明的狀況,甚至已經預見到了未來人類文明所將達到的狀況,或者這樣說也許更正確,老子當時就發現了一種形勢,這種形勢雖然表面上完全不同於人類今天所面臨的形勢,但事實上二者卻是很相似的。可能正是這個原因,也才寫下了《老子》這部奇特的書。不管怎樣說,使人感到驚訝的總是,生活在科學文明發展以前某一時代,老子怎麼會向近代開始的科學文化提出那樣嚴厲的指控」。(5)

各種深刻的反思,使世界上的更多有識之士把希望投向東方,投向了中國,這是歷史的必然,也是現實的需要,以老子為代表的道家思想,在人類新文明的重建與新文化的復興中,當自有相當的價值。人類因科學技術的強大和自我意識的膨漲,忽略了大自然本身因有的規律,背離了老子所說的大道,對大自然無休止的掠奪,到頭來反為自已挖掘了一座座難以跨越的陷阱。現代人類只有改變觀念,採取新的發展模式,才能真正的避免走向毀滅,重造輝煌的未來。這當是老子「道法自然」的思想,給我們最重要的啟示。

二、人與天一的理念

人與大自然的關係,這是自然哲學的核心,亦是人類永恆關注的問題。在中國思想史上,老子首先描述了它的一個基本模式。他認為作為「域中四大」之一的人,應該合於大道,效法自然。其後,莊子對於這個問題也投入了極大的熱情,詳盡地發揮了老子的思想。

在中國古代的思想中,一向把自然看作是一個充滿生命的超巨大系統。其中所有的事物都相互有機地聯繫著,宇宙在其歷程中運行,是時間坐標和空間坐標多維的交叉線。宇宙時空的數量、矢量、向量和宇宙萬物的變化息息相關。宇宙是場的信息系統,彼此相須,相即,相攝,相入,一在多中,多在一內,相融無間。對於這種樸素的辨證觀點,道家中人有深切體悟,從老莊之始便探其玄機,以揭示自然中固有的整體關係。

老莊哲學皆以道為世界的本原。道,指創造宇宙的動力,或宇宙的本身。它又是萬物運動的規律,人類行為的準則。道所涵蘊的至理,正是人一生追求並學習的內容。莊子在老子道論的基礎上,進一步豐富了道的內涵。他說,太古的時候,只有無,沒有有,沒有名稱,由無而有,出現了最初的一。雖然有了一,卻沒有形態。萬物由無形的一而生,這便是德,萬物在無形的時候,都具備應有的理,但是渾然一體,這便是命。天命的流行而產生了物,物各有了生理,這便是形。形體保守著精神,各有自己的法度準則,這就叫做性。人們加強性的修養,可回復到德的境界。德的修養達到極致完美,可與太古之境和同。這種和同便虛寂,虛寂便廣大,混合一切鳴叫和言語,一切鳴叫和言語混合,也便與天地相混合了。這種混合渾然無間,好像愚昧,好像昏聵,無智無心,這便是玄德。是與自然最通順的合一。(6)

在《莊子.知北游》中記載著孔子向老子問道的故事,形象地說明了道的淵博無窮和生長萬物的偉業,孔子說:今天安閑,特來請問什麼是最真的道,老子回答:你應當齋戒,疏理你的內心,洗滌你的精神,放棄你的成見。道,深奧而難以言述啊!只能拾你說個大概。光明生於幽暗,品類從無形中產生,精神從道產生,形體從精氣產生,萬物以不同的形體而出現。所以,凡是具備九竅的都是胎生,凡是具備八竅的都是卵生。而道的到來,沒有蹤跡,它的離去,也沒有邊際。沒有門戶和房室的拘限,能暢達四方,通於萬物。如順應此道,便四肢強壯,思慮通達,耳目聰明,心地虛靜,用而不勞,因應事物,可圓可方。天沒有它便不會高,地沒有它便不會廣,日月沒有它便不能運行,萬物沒有它便不能昌盛,這不就是道麼!況且,博通經典的人,不一定了解真理,能言善辯的人,不一定有智慧,故聖人並不追求博辯。像這種增添了也看不出增添,減少了也看不出減少的東西,是聖人所寶貴的。它的廣博像大海那樣,它的高大無終無始,能使萬物各自運動,自取其需,這是君子之道,是道在外的表現啊!萬物都對它有資取,它卻永不匱乏,這便是道吧!

同在《知北游》中,還有另一則故事。當東郭子問︰所謂道,究竟在那裡?莊子說︰無處不存在。東郭子說︰請指出具體的地方。莊子說︰在螻蛄和螞蟻之中。東郭子說︰為什麼處在這麼低下的地方?莊子說︰在稊和稗等雜草叢生的地方。東郭子說︰怎麼更加低下了?莊子說︰在瓦和磚裡面。東郭子說︰為什麼越來越低下了?莊子接著回答說︰在屎尿之中。至此,東郭子再也無話可問了。莊子進而開導東郭子說︰先生提出的問題,本來就沒有接觸實質。希望你不要著眼於某一事物,其實萬物皆不能離開道。我們何不一起游處在一個什麼都沒有的地方,持同合萬物的理念,把宇宙當成一個整體來談論,這樣就不會有所窮盡了。明白萬物並無主宰,都是自已創造自己,就能和萬物冥合為一而沒有分別。多麼淡泊而寧靜,寂寞而清虛,調和而安閑,翱翔在虛無遼廓的境地,這就是大智慧的境界,故可以放任無窮,逍遙天地之間。

類似的故事在《莊子》一書中還有一些。正是通過這些恢詭譎奇、汪洋恣肆的文筆,莊子站在宇宙觀的高度,從總體上揭示了天、地、萬物與人類的統一性、相互依存性,但他並不否認人與物、物與物之間的具體關係中存在著矛盾與對立。他認為一切事物都有對立的雙方,相因而成,相併而生,這是一切事物的本性,但應提高到「道」的總體上去把握。他說︰大道正是統一是非彼此的樞紐,掌握了這一關鍵,便可應付無窮的變化。(7)可見,萬物彼此之間並不是一種絕對分離的關係,這是道的核心。從這今核心展開,各種事物形成了一串串聯繫著的鏈條,環環相扣,不可窮盡。正是建立在這種辯證觀念之上,莊子總結出了「天地與我併生,而萬物與我為一」的至理。這是莊子關於天人關係的要害,其它即思想多是依此點而推衍。

依據莊子在《齊物論》中的看法,能區別開什麼是天然,什麼是人為,是人類知識的極限。但這種認識仍有相當的缺陷,怎麼知道所謂的天不也是屬於人?所謂的人不也是屬於天?即無法確定人和自然的關係究竟如何。也就是說,我們認為屬於天然的,也許早有人為成分的雜入;我們認為屬於人為的,也許其中也有天然的因素。實際上,人與自然本來為渾然的一體,難以截然分開。因此,只有具備「真知」的「真人」才能使自己的認識合於大道,克服一般人常有的「嗜欲深」而「天機淺」的局限,既不以自己的心智去損害大道,亦不以自己的作為去干預天然,切都順應自然,真正做到喜怒與四時相通,萬事依萬物自適,人同一切事物和諧而不追求極端。當他抱一守真時,是「與天為徒」當他隨俗而行時,是「與人為徒」但無論是與天或是與人為徒,均未脫離大道,因為天理中自涵攝著人事,人事中自寓有天理,天與人互不相勝而相合一,這就是真人。概而言之,莊子認為,天與人的這種關係是不以人的意願為轉換的,不管人是否贊成合一,人與天都是合一的。

這種思想貫穿在《莊子》各篇之中,例如《秋水》載河伯問曰︰什麼叫做天?什麼叫做人?北海若回答說︰牛馬生來四只腳,就叫做天然,絡馬首,穿牛鼻,就叫做人為。所以說,不要用人事去毀壞天然,不要有心造作去損害性命,不要因追求利益去殉世俗之名。謹守這三點而不違背,就可回復到天真的本性。顯然,莊子是堅決反對因人而毀滅天然,因境遇而泯滅天性,因貪求而喪失本真,只有謹守這些純樸的東西,才能返本歸真。

對自然界要善意對待,送是因為在根本上「人與天一也」。(8)既然如此,就必須保護生態環境。《莊子》一書中有內容非常豐富的生態觀,如《馬蹄》說︰在風俗質樸的年代裡,百姓的行為安祥穩重,視察專注,別無外求,所以山上還沒有小路,河裡也沒有船隻和橋,萬物渾茫,叢生繁衍,各不相犯。人沒有害禽獸的心,禽獸亦不怕人,所以禽獸可以讓人牽著游玩,雀鳥的窩巢可以任人攀著觀看,這就是盛德的時代,人類和禽獸同住在一起,和萬物同聚在一處,哪裡有什麼君子和小人的分別呢?這些生動的描述,完全是一幅動物成群、植物茂密的自然圖畫,人類生活其間,也完全是處於逍遙自在、任意無為的狀態。那時候陰陽二氣調和平靜,鬼神不擾亂人類,四時的運作合於節度,萬物不受傷害,生物不死於非命,人雖有智慧,即不妄用,這就是最和諧的狀態。莊子的這種觀念,是同他的社會理想聯繫著的。因此,莊子把社會的進步,看成是人類德性下衰的過程。從原始自然狀態的「至一」之世,歷經燧人、伏羲、神農、黃帝之世,道德巳日益衰落。等到堯舜治理天下之時,因政治、教化與文明的興起,反而造成民風惑亂,人的自然本性便喪失了。其結果必然是「世喪道矣,道喪世矣,世與道交相喪也」自然與社會完全相互離異了。顯然,莊子是站在人類文明發展的對立面,冷靜地觀察著人的本身,正受到自己精神和物質的創造物的強制,一步步喪失其質樸與純真的歷史事實。同時,在揭露和批判這種人性昇化時,提出了克服異化和返樸歸真的途徑。這種回歸自然的途徑,總起來說,仍然是以「無為」「功成弗居」等形式,與道溝通,以超越外物對於人本身的壓抑和統治,從而達到克服人性的異化,使而純真的人性得以復歸,人類與自然的關係重新恢復和諧。

由老子肇始、莊子所構建的這種天人併生、物我為一的生態觀念,其後成為道家、道教的基本理念。如《淮南子》中繼承了老莊重視系統、強調和諧的整體思維的優秀傳統,而且從應變出發,進而著眼於整體的穩定和完善。在《淮南子》看來,宇宙是一個不可分割的整體系統,萬物無不被道所統攝,萬物又以自己獨特功能來體現道,所謂道或者天,一是指演化萬物的本原,一是批統攝萬物的理體,這在《淮南子》中被稱為「淑清之道」和「萬物之祖」道的這兩重含義是緊密相連的,因為宇宙萬物無不以道為最高本體,無不稟受道而息息相通,相互作用,相互感應,自然無間,融為一體。在宇宙這個臣系統中,物物相連,天人相通,渾然一體,和偕均衡,萬物只有相連而存在,相通而變化,脫離整體或系統,就會遭到厄運。在對待事物之間的差別與矛盾時,《淮南子》,亦師承老莊心法,認為生生不息是天道的根本功能,對立諸因素在相生相剋中雖有損益,但不會導致總體的破壞或失衡,所謂「有無相生,難易相成,長短相形,高下相傾,音聲相合,前後相隨」。(9)即強調注重對立面的相承相應、相比相得、相和相通、相濟相成的互補關係,而不主張對立面的排斥與鬥爭,或二者之間的妥協。因為事物只有在往來屈伸的運動中才能生生不息,綿延不絕,這是對天道變化圓滿性的完美體現。

道教創立之初,即繼承了道家天人一體的觀念。如《太平經》中的「三合相通」論,即是對這種天人觀的一種宗教性的詮釋;依經中言,天地之事物皆有三,三是由大道演化而成的。顯然,這是師承於老子的學說。如元氣有三,太陰、太陽、中和。形體有三,天、地、人。天上亦有三,日月、星。地面亦有三,山、川、平土。人亦有三,父、母、子。社會結構亦有三、君、臣、民。此三者互相依存,不可或缺。故常當腹心,不失銖分,使之共一憂喜,彼此相愛相通,併力同心,乃可導致天下和諧,人間太平,使宇宙間充滿創造力,帶來萬物豐饒、社會太平與天人的和諧。正如經中所言:「天、地、人三相得,乃成道德,故適百國有德也。故天主生,地主養,人主成。一事失正,俱三邪。是故天為惡亦凶,地為惡亦凶,三共為惡,天地人滅盡更數也。三共為德善,洞虛合同,故至於三合而成,德通百國」這就是道教理想中的太平盛世。三合,即是指同一物類的合和,亦是言天、地、人三才的融合。故道教又有「三才成德」論,這是從更加廣闊的視野揭示人與自然的關係。《三天內解經》中指出:人的身體來自天地,故上稟天,下象地。天地和人的關係是相互依存,「天地無人則不立,人無天地則不生。天地無人,譬如人腹中無神,形則不立,有神無形,神則無主。故立之者天,行之者道,人性命神同混而為一。故天、地、人三才成德,為萬物之宗」即在客觀上把天地、萬物和人類看成是一個互相依存的體系,這個體系以人類為本位,因為人類的道德水準與價值的取捨往往左右了自然與社會的命運。

作為一種宗教,道教將這種有機的自然觀神學化,使三才演變成為道教神系中的「三皇」成為信徒們膜拜的對象。《三皇經》說:三皇為三洞的尊神,天寶君處於玉清之天,號天皇;靈寶君在上清之域,號地皇,神寶君在太極之境,號人皇。「天皇主氣,地皇主神,人皇主生,三合成德,萬物化焉」換言之,作為三皇本體的天、地、人的通力合德,就可使宇宙達到和諧統一,於是萬物化生而無窮盡。在此,道教充分肯定了人類在參與大自然的創造過程中,具有非常重要的作用與貢獻。亦為道教三才相盜、人天互益的理論開闢出了蹊徑。

三、三才相盜的思想

從道法自然、人與天一的觀念,發展到三才相盜的思想,這是道家、道教關於人天關係認識上的一個飛躍,也是作為宗教的道教在思考人類在自然界中的地位與作用時最重要的理論成果。它客觀地反映了道教在認識客觀世界、精神世界及人與自然的關係方面,已達到了相當深刻的思想高度。正是出於這種背景,才產生了《黃帝陰符經》這部「鑿天之奧,泄神之謀」的驚世之作,從而與老子《道德經》並列,成為道教最重要的經典之一。正如張伯端《悟真篇》所說:「《陰符》寶字逾三百,《道德》靈文止五千,今古上仙無限數,盡於此處達真詮」。

關於《黃帝陰符經》的來歷,歷史上曾有過各種各樣的說法,上自軒轅黃帝,下至唐代李筌;或言為故國著作。或指為北朝文獻,一時難以確定。但於唐初公開問世,併立即為道教所重視,這是可以肯定的。全經正文僅三、四百字,文辭簡樸,風格峻烈。所談的生殺、機時、盜賊、生剋、伏藏皆為觸目驚心的名相,一反中國傳統的溫熙平和的文風,故世人對之評價曰:「備識天地意,獻詞犯乾坤」、「口銜造化斧,鑿破機關門」。(10)「不測似陰陽,難名若神鬼。得之升高天,失之沉厚地」。(11)

在這部頗具奇異文彩的經中,作者提出了一個以「三才相盜」為核心的天人理論,所謂「盜」即盜竊、危害,也有利用的含義。「三盜」是指天地、萬物、人互相盜取,彼此利用。此三者如協調、適宜,則三才皆顯安好,天下即大吉太平。

首先,經中曰:「天地,萬物之盜」是說天地為萬物所盜取,亦即萬物盜取天地陰陽之氣而生。唐李筌解釋說:天是陰陽的總名。陽氣輕清上浮為天,陰氣重濁下沉為地,天地相連而不相離。…陰陽二氣之中又有兒子,名曰五行。五行為天地陰陽之功用,萬物以五行而生,故萬物又為五行之子。如人能夠了解天地陰陽之道,掌握五行真氣運化之秩序,則可以知曉天地社會的興廢,明察萬物人身的生死。(12)在古人看來,人與萬物,都是由元氣所生;天陽地陰,天賦予神氣,而地賦予形質,萬物都是由氣、形、質所構成。對此《莊子.秋水》說:我自知是自然的產物,由天地給予我形貌,並且稟受陰陽之氣。在《列子.天瑞》中對氣、形、質的形成,有更詳細的論述。萬物既是盜取天地精華而生成,所以說「天地,萬物之盜」此為三盜之第一義。

經中曰:「萬物,人之盜」是說萬物為人所盜取、利用,以生養自己。如取五榖以為食,取絲綿以為衣飾,取木石以為宮室,取金屬為刀兵,取牛馬為座騎等,萬物為我利用,所以說「萬物,人之盜」《列子.天瑞篇》中有一個故事,講述了人盜萬物而求發展的訣竅,在齊國有一位姓國的大富豪,當有人問他致富的原因時,他說是善於「盜竊」所謂「盜竊」就是善於利用天時、地利,借雲雨之滂潤,依山澤之產育,去種莊稼,收五榖,築房屋、置產業;在陸地上,盜竊歸天地所有的禽獸;在河流中,盜竊如自然所有的魚鱉。這就是他致富的秘訣,究其根本,人的生命本出自天地,其生存亦必須依賴天地,故盜萬物為己用亦為必要。此為三盜之第二義。

「人,萬物之盜」就是說人亦反被萬物所盜取。人雖利用天地,盜取萬物以養活自己,但如沉淪於聲色犬馬之欲。為外物所役使,甚而殉身喪命。則人反而為萬物所盜。又如水火,是人們日常生活中不可缺少的東西,故人盜水火以自用,這是有利之處。但如失去控制,水火成災,賊害於人,亦為萬物所盜。此外,人為了使所需之物取之不盡,而繁衍、改良了它,這樣一來則是萬物反盜取人類的智慧,靠人的維護而生之不竭。實際上,人與萬物的關係不僅表現在外部的互相利用方面,即使在人體的內部也仍然存在,正如元代王道淵所說:「萬物的生成與人同時,人身之內生有八萬四千小蟲」。(13)簡略而言,體內五臟被蟯蟲、蛔蟲盜食,體外皮膚被跳蚤、蚊蟲叮咬,這些都是萬物盜人的例子。此為三盜之第三義。

萬物盜天地,人盜萬物,萬物盜人,這是三才相生相剋的基本狀況,亦是大自然運行的客觀規律,元人胥元一注說:萬物盜天地而生,人盜萬物而養,萬物盜人而成,此為三才相生、相養、相成的正理。(14)即自然的正理,理應遵行道的法則,對此。李筌說:凡彼此的相盜,皆須遵循大道。人的所作所為。宜令其盡合其宜。只有這樣,三才可以無損,各安其任。皆使不過度越分以傷本性。這樣便可免除天下的禍患。(15)

這種符合自然之道的「有道」之「盜」就叫做「盜機」《陰符經》說:這個盜機,普天下沒人看不見,但卻沒有人能認識,如君子掌握了它,身安事成,小人得到了它,輕生玩命,也就是說,盜機所產生的現象容易為一般人發現,但其深層的本質卻難以了解,正如李筌所說,盜機深奧玄妙,容易看到,難以把握,例如國氏盜取天時地利而獲富。人皆見種檀收益,而不知其中的深理,那麼究竟什麼是盜機?這是指在未見到之前,當預先知道將來的結果,暗設計謀,運用智慧,抓住時機,於常人不知不覺之中。盜竊利益於將來,以生養自己,這就叫做盜機。(16)

所謂「盜」亦即悄然難曉的意思。天地運作,無聲無息,萬物生息,不知不覺,人之存亡,潛生暗息。於不經意之中,天荒地老,物毀人去,其發展的過程尤如一個高明的大盜竊取他物而毫不張揚,所謂「機」是指時機、機宜,指天道運化之初萌,人事變功之徵兆,因皆隱蔽難察,故謂之機,《陰符經》說:「食其時,百骸理。動其機,萬化安。宋人蹇昌辰解釋說:機者,得失變化之關鍵時刻,其天地、萬物、人都處在否泰、興亡、損益、盛衰的兩極發展之中」。(17)朱熹亦說:人能利用天地之時則百骸安好,人能掌握運化之機則天下太平,這就是盜的原則。(18)《天機經》也指出:聖人觀時而用,應機而制,故能運生殺於掌內,成功業於天下。

在這個三才和盜的天人結構中,唯有人最具備道德的主體性,故其動機的善惡與價值的取捨,往往決定了盜機所生的結果。宋人劉海蟾說:君子知大道包含萬善,故所作追求的是和諧與完善,舉凡所有的活動皆有美好的動機,以之與大道合契。乃至於精思守一,取天地之微妙。以資養真性;或盜萬物之精華,神水金液。以致神仙,故曰君子得之以身安事成。小人得知其機。平常一貫惡行,心懷投機取巧之意,不務正業,但求金帛,不願艱辛勞作,或者飾情巧智,追求浮華奢淫,這樣一來,窮兵黷武則軍旅敗亡,望上高攀則榮消辱至。或因貪婪而損傷自己,或因財色而禍害終身,雖然可以榮貴一時,但最終難免咎患,蓋因並不知大道的真旨妙機,以至於此,故曰小人得之卻輕生玩命。(19)這就非常明確地指出,在利用萬物,改造自然的過程中,人類道德水準的高低,有著至關緊要的作用。

在面對自然、三才互盜的環境中,人並非無所作為。而是可以主動地駕馭自然,積極地參與萬物的運化。《陰符經》說:「觀天之道。執天之行,盡矣。對此李筌解釋說:人與禽獸、草木一樣,都是由陰陽的運化而生,但人又為萬物之靈,位處天地的中心,心懷智慧權謀,能夠反照自性。窮達事物的本始,盜取陰陽五行之氣而用之。(20)換言之,人是具有自我意識的主體,既能認識自我本性,又能知曉自然規律,取萬物為已用。而其盜取天地萬物的過程,亦是對自然的認識過程,是人掌握自然客觀規律、因勢利導加以利用的發展歷史。

聖人在盜萬物、取天機的過程中,在充分發揮主觀能動性的同時。應尊重客觀世界的規律,效法天道自然之靜,因為無論什麼時候。人的生存與社會的發展,都必須在大自然這個先天決定的環境中,別無選捧,《陰符經》說:自然之道寂寥寧靜,天地萬物不斷生衍。天地之道不知不覺地運作,一會兒陰勝陽,一會兒陽勝陰,陰陽交替推移,變化有條有理,所以聖人知自然之道不可違背,順勢利導而利用之。也就是說,作為宇宙本源的道體是無聲無息,寂靜不變的。由道體所生的天地萬物,則是在逐漸地生滅變化之中,並以陰陽交替的形式在運作。這種交替是緩緩的,慢慢的,像水的浸潤,不知不覺,你進我退,此勝彼負,萬物就是這樣生存在這樣一個有序的空間環境中。

天地間陰陽的交替推移,即是自然之道。聖人的所作所為便應效法自然之道,順從陰陽消息的規律,制定生殺克勝的法則,此即經中所說的順勢利導而用之。蹇昌辰注云:自然之道在其固有的規律,故聖人知其不可違背,而順勢利用,所以說人法地,地法天,天法道,道法自然,換言之,在道教看來,人類與天地、萬物的關係並非僅限於互相盜取,互相利用,其中尚隱藏著一個重要的因素,那就是大自然與萬物還是人類最好的老師,是啟迪人的智慧、促進社會發展的無窮動力。

《道德經》說:最高的善像水那樣,水善於幫助萬物而不與萬物相爭,它停留在眾人所不喜歡的地方,所以最接近「道」《關尹子》說:天下之物多達億萬,但天地並不據為己功,故聖人管理國家,應效法江海,甘居下流,含塵忍垢,這樣便萬邦歸流,天下擁戴。(21)這是引天道來說明人類所應有的謙德,讓人向天地學習無私的品質。《關尹子》又說:天下萬物各適其生成,無一物而窒塞不通,故聖人效法大道而無為,以德應變而致用。(22)這是用自然無為、生養萬物的事實,教育人們順應客觀的規律,在永恆變化的世界去求得發展。

不僅天地為人道之師,萬物亦給人類以啟示。《關尹子》說:聖人向蜜蜂學習而設立君臣制度,向蜘蛛學習而紡織、結網,向拱立的老鼠學習而制定禮儀,向爭戰的螞蟻學習而設陣打仗。聖人就是這樣善於向萬物學習,再去教育賢人,幫助一般人,但唯有聖人能使自已與自然萬物合一同理,所以心無先入為主的偏見,能行種種方便,善利天下。(23)

總結《陰符經》的盜機學說,其核心仍然是在尊重自然客觀規律的基礎上,把握住事物發展的關鍵,以追求萬物昌盛、天人共安的理想社會。對此,《關尹子》中所說的「四不違」原則便是這種學說最好的注解。

《關尹子》說:天不能使蓮花冬天開放,使菊花春天開放,因此聖人不違天之四季,不逆時之通塞,這是「不違時」地不能使河南生產橘柑,使江南生養狐貉,因此聖人不違地之風俗,不逆氣之變化,這是「不違俗」聖人不能使手走路,使足握物,當各盡其能,這是「不違我所長」聖人不能使魚在空中飛翔,鳥在水中游馳,當任魚游水中,鳥騰高空,這是「不違物所長」這樣一來,天地萬物可變動、可靜止、可晦藏、可明顯,唯不可以拘泥,當隨時達變,運化生養萬物,這就是道。(24)也就是說,只要遵循這四條基本原則,不違拒造物之變化,不拘守人間之死法,便可以應變無窮而為妙道。

從三才互盜的生存空間,到強調人在改造自然、利用自然方面的主觀能動性,強調人在大自然中的重要作用與地位,最後仍歸根於道法自然,這是《陰符經》中的三才相盜學說的基本結構。顯然,《陰符經》中的這種理論框架,仍然是建立在道家傳統的天人合一思想之上。與老莊所說的不同之處,是《陰符經》更加鮮明地突出了人的生觀能動性,反復強調了人在天人關係中的主導地位,這樣一來,使道家傳統的天人合一觀發生了一個臣大的變化,從而消除了其中原有消極因素,高揚了人在改造自然、利用自然中的客觀價值,成為道教思想中的一枝奇葩。這枝奇葩具有以下特色:

在天人合一的境界中實現自我主體性、這與西方哲學講主體性是有所區別。從古希臘的智者普羅塔哥拉提出「人是萬物的尺度」這一命題,以人作為中心,到近代康德建立起完整的主體性哲學,西方哲學尤其是近代哲學主要是在人與自然的相分相離相鬥爭中講主客關係,主張人對自然環境的征服與控制。與其相反,《陰符經》的盜機哲學則以人和自然的認同與和諧為大前提,在此前提下講人對自然法則的能動認識和利用,即人對天地萬物的合理取捨。天與人儘管存在相互盜取的矛盾關係、但二者的對立是次要的,統一是根本的,天人之間通過互盜建立起反饋系統,而信息的反饋使二者達於統一,即所謂天機與人機的「暗合」故在《陰符經》中,看不到人與天的根本分離和對立。也正是此點,使它既有別於道家傳統的天人合一觀,亦與儒家天人感應的學說異趣,從而獨具風彩。
在《陰符經》中,順從天道和改造自然達到了有機的結合。順從天道是前提,而天道的基本內容是五行生剋,懂得了五行生剋就可以合理適序地利用自然。這樣,順從天道的本身包含著對自然的積極改造、而改造自然又是遵循著天道,二者在時間和空間上都是統一的,而不是分開的。同時,它也不只是對某些局部情況的說明、而是人和自然關係的普遍原則。《陰符經》的這些思想,體現了人在自然界面前的一種積極的態度,使人類改造和利用自然的要求獲得了理論上的認可。所以在它問世以後,人們常常援引,把它作為改造自然、自主人生命運的思想根據。在道門中人看來,《陰符經》和《老子》所言,乃是古往今來一切神仙得道的必由之路。張伯端《悟真篇》曰:「三才相盜食其時、此是神仙道德機。萬物既安諸慮息,百骸俱理證無為。王重陽說:「理透《陰符》三百字,道通《道德》五千言」。(25)尹志平說「道雖未能廣學、《陰符》、《道德》、《清靜》三經,又不可不學」。(26)
在三才相盜的交換中,即人利用,改造大自然的過程,強調作為主體的人在道德自律方面的重要性,所謂「君子得之固躬,小人得之輕命」明確指出了由於人們不同的道德取向,在利用自然的過程中,卻可能出現截然不同的結果。用《列子.天端篇》所舉國氏致富的例子來講,國氏的致富是為了整個社會的福利,而去取用自然的財富,這是合理合法、順應天道。相反,那些封建諸侯只是為私利掠奪積聚財富、這是反社會的不道德的,因此必然造成社會大亂、天人共憤。元末明初,劉伯溫作《郁離子》、其《天地之盜》篇講:人、是天地之盜,但只有聖人才真正懂得盜,盜,不是「發藏取物」主要是「執其權,用其力」如春種秋收,高處建房、低地鑿池、水上行舟,因風作帆。而一般人不懂得盜、以至於「遏其機,逆其氣」甚至只知道無限制地盜取自然界的物質,這就必須造成「物盡而藏竭」以上的這些相當深刻的思想、對於現代工業文明的各種弊病,不也是一種尖銳的批判嗎?在人類利用現代高科技、向大自然展開更大規模征服的今天、在人類文明面臨全面危機的時候,古老的道家智慧與道教思想、是否能夠啟迪我們的心靈、重新確定人在大自然中的作用與地位呢?這將有待更多的智士哲人去思索。但不管如何,道教的這些充滿智慧的思想結晶,應當成為人類精神文明的重要成果。
四、貴生戒殺的觀點

貴生戒殺,這是道家、道教學說中重要的思想,亦是其最有價值的理論成果之一。從《道德經》所強調的「攝生」「貴生」「自愛」和「長生久視」《莊子》所說的「保生」「全生」「盡年」「尊生」《呂氏春秋》所說的「貴生重己」到《太平經》主張的「樂生」「重生」以及其它的道書如《老子想爾注》、《老子河上公章句》、《周易參同契》、《抱朴子內篇》、《西升經》、《度人經》、《悟真篇》等,始終貫穿看貴生戒殺的思想傳統。

「生」指生命,這是道教教義的一個基本概念,道教的宗教理想是修道成仙,長生不死,因此非常重視「生」的問題。《道德經》說:「出生入死,生之徒十有三,死之徒十有三,人之生,動之死地亦十有三」也就是說,這個世界到處埋伏著危險,生命隨時受到威脅,故應防患未然,以求「深根固抵、長生久視之道」《莊子》雖然倡導「齊生死」但仍重視己身。其主張「無情」「輕物」「薄利」目的都是在於「保身」「全身」並用黃帝學道廣成子之言,講述「長生」固形之術,至《呂氏春秋》進一步揭示了尊重生命的重要性,明白地指出「聖人深慮天下,莫貴於生」。(27)從而提出一個系統的、有生態倫理學意義生命觀。其要點有三:

「生」指生命。它來源於自然,並與自然構成有機整體,是「精氣之所集也」生命的結構分為五個層次:(1)命,指天,為生者,(2)氣,精氣,生命的來源,(3)形,生命之形體;(4)神,生命之知、情和意;(5)性,即養成者。《本生篇》說:最初創造生命的是天,使它得到保養和生長的是人,能夠保養天所創造的生命而不加損害的人就是天之子。天之子的所作所為都是為了保護天賦的生命與人性,這是人間設立官吏的根本原則。
人對待生命的正確態度就是「貴生」應觀察天地變化之機,分辨五物生長之利,以促進生命的發展,使萬物各盡天年。在此擇脫了唯人獨尊的思想,承認了各種生物的生存權利,並把護養萬物、維持生命的最佳狀態作為聖人的重大責任。其《盡數篇》說,天地精氣集聚,必有所生所附。集於珠玉,就明亮精瑩。集於樹林,就茂盛成長。集於聖人,就化為卓識。天之子的責任就是讓小鳥飛得更輕更高,讓野獸跑更快更遠,讓珠寶更加瑰麗,讓植物更加茁壯,讓聖人更加聰明,這就是治理天下的聖道。
貴生是人類之至德。貴生的方法有許多,其主要的原則是凡對生命有害的事情都應制止,凡對生命有利的事情就去做。《貴生篇》說:「故所謂尊生者,全生之謂」尊重生命,也就是保護生命。《貴公篇》說:天地是偉大的,它生育萬物,卻不把萬物看成自己的兒子,它長養萬物,卻不據為己有;萬物都受到它的恩澤和利益,卻不知道這些恩惠來自何處。這就是天地的美德,亦是三皇五帝的功德,人類至高無上的美德。
顯然,《呂氏春秋》的這些思想比老莊的生命觀更臻明朗,更加系統。其後,道教經典《老子想爾注》中將「生」代替「人」而與道、天、地並列為「域中四大」認為「生」是「道的別體」是道在天地間的具體顯現,無生命即無大道。《太平經》亦說:「元氣行道,以生萬物,天地大小,無不由道而生者」在《太上老君開天經》中描述了萬物的形成及生命的起源,它說:太初剖判,天地初分,中有日月,包含元氣,「生生之類,無形之象,各受一氣而生。或有樸氣而生者,山石是也。動氣而生者,飛走是也。精氣而生者,人是也。萬物之中,人最為貴」這就明白地指出,萬物是大自然運化的產物,生命是陰陽精氣和合的結果,其中並沒有什麼天神的辛勞。

道教關於生命本質的思想,是從《道德經》道生萬物的宇宙觀發展來的,它所遵循的是一條萬物遞進化生的路線。這個生生不息不斷前行的「生」字,使道教的哲學具有一種積極的進取精神。《抱朴子內篇.黃白》說:「我命在我不在天,還丹成金億萬年」《悟真篇》說:藥逢氣類方成象,道在希夷合自然。一粒靈丹吞入腹,始知我命不由天」這些都是道教重視現實,參與造化精神的體現。

道教生命倫理的基本價值取向就是貴生。在被道教奉為萬法之宗、群經之首的《度人經》中,開卷即宣揚「仙道貴生,無量度人」之旨。元始天尊說經十遍,天地開闢,萬物長生。至第八遍時,「如人懷妊,鳥獸含胎,已生未生,皆得生成」在這裡,生命得到了最美好的歌頌與贊譽,從孕育到誕生,整個過程都是非常神聖的。如人受生於胞胎之中,「三元養育,九氣結形,故九月神布,氣滿能聲。聲尚神具,九天稱慶,太一執符,帝君品命,主錄勒籍,司命定算,五帝監生,聖母衛房,天神地祇,三界各守,九天司馬在庭東間,讀《九天生神寶章》九過,男則萬神唱恭,女則萬神唱奉,男則司命敬諾,女則司命敬順,於是而生。九天司馬不下命章,萬神不唱恭諾,終不生也。夫人得還生於道,濯形太陽,驚天駭地,貴亦難勝,天真地神,三界齊監,亦不輕也。當生之時,亦不為陋也」。(28)正是在萬神唱恭,驚天駭地的莊嚴而神聖之際,一個個新的生命誕生了。從表面上,這段描述生命孕育產生的過程中,似乎充滿了神秘的色彩。然而,也正是因為這些包含深切情感的文句,使人們對生命滿懷敬畏,充滿神聖,從而懂得應該珍惜生命,維持生命,重視一切生命的存在價值。

統觀世界的各種宗教,道教對生命價值的肯定是相當高的。道教諸經之論生命,可謂群經一詞,無出「貴」字。如《三天內解經》說:「真道好生而惡殺。長生者,道也。死壞者,非道也。死王乃不如生鼠。故聖人教化,使民慈心於眾生,生可貴也」《度人經》說:「日月合明,昆蟲遂性,至化無邊」《太清境太清經》說:「凡天下鄉民均同是性,天性既善,悉生萬物,無不置也,地性既善,養生萬物,無不置也。聖人悉樂理天下而實法天地,故萬物皆受其功大善。神仙真人助天地而不敢輕,尊之,受之,佑之」由此可見,生命關天,豈可輕視,任意暴殮。

在道教看來,人類財富的多寡,並不是以擁有多少金銀珠寶為標準,而是以自然界的生命興旺與物種多少為評判。《太平經》中有《分別貧富法》,明確指出,所謂「富」是指萬物備足,生命各盡其年,物種延續發展而不絕。它說,在上皇的時代,有一萬二多種物品生出,名為富足。中皇的時代物種略臧,已不足一萬二千種,故為小貧。至下皇時物種更少了,為大貧。此後,物種難以足萬,為極下貧。天地為人之父母,此父母貧極,則人子亦大貧,結果天地人皆悉被傷,為虛空貧家」這種尊重生命、強調保護物種的思想,早在一千八百餘年前就被提出,不能不說是道教對於維護生態平衡、保護環境的一大思想貢獻。

正是基於這種認識,道教要求人們愛及昆蟲草木鳥獸,愛及山川河流,愛及日月天地,不要無辜傷害任何生命。《元始天王歡樂經》說:保護萬物,應簡樸自己的居室。廉潔克己,應遠離酒色。保養形神,應常行仁德,對待他國,應常行慈念。安樂眾生,應減少畋漁。放贖生命,應克制飲食。《元始洞真慈善孝子報恩成道經》說:要教育世人,懂得慈愛教敬,遵順自然的規律,守正道以寶身形,憐憫萬物而不傷害生命。這些道教經典,都異口同聲地肯定了善待萬物的必然性和道德價值,承認宇宙間的生命都各有其存在的價值,同人的生命一樣,應當得到重視和保護。

在道教看來,尊重生命,善待萬物,正是大道本身擁有的普濟救世美德的最好體現,亦是做人的根本與修道的必須。《素履子.履仁》指出,好生惡殺為仁,愛人利物為仁,慈惠惻隱為仁,拯溺救危為仁。「或救黃雀,或放白龜,惠封於傷蛇,探喉於鯁虎,博施無倦,惠愛有方。春不伐樹覆巢,夏不燎田傷禾,秋賑孤寡,冬覆蓋伏藏,君子順時履仁而行,仁功著矣。《劉子.愛民》亦說:「先王之治,上順天時,下養萬物,草木昆蟲不失其所,獺未祭魚不施網罟,豺未祭獸不修田獵,鷹隼未擊不張尉羅,霜露未沾不伐草木。草木有生而無識,鳥獸有識而無知,猶施仁愛以及之,奚況在人而不愛之乎」由此可見,在道教重生思想中包含著對天地萬物的熱愛及其慈悲仁愛的真情。

慈悲仁愛,本為道家千年優良傳統。《道德經》說:「我有三寶,持而保之,一曰慈,二曰儉,三曰不敢為天下先」《赤松子中誡經》說:「人為天地之本,當為善。《抱朴子內篇.對俗》說:「人欲地仙,當立三百善;欲天仙,立千二百善」《感應篇圖說》指出:「慈者,萬善之根本,人欲積德累功,不獨愛人,兼當愛物,物雖至微,亦係生命。人能慈心於物命之微,方便救護,則殺機自泯,仁心漸長矣,有不永享福壽者呼!這就把行善積德與修道成仙明確地聯繫在一起。一個人要想成仙,就必須慈愛萬物」積大功德。道書中載述的成千上萬的仙真事蹟,無論其面貌、神蹟怎樣神異離奇,但普遍具備符合時代特徵的高尚德行,遂至感通上真下降,度升天界。在這裡,神仙成為修道成功的典範,人性的完善亦發展到極點。

重生貴人的道德取向,必然導致放生戒殺的行動。《感應篇圖說》指出:「大抵慈是善,放生實恭慈之術也。「放生功德浩無邊,安得富人不惜錢。寒士寡財須愛物,先持戒殺貴心監」《太上寶筏圖說》說:「細物宜存保護心,昆蟲也解報藏金。初生草木休伐折,麟趾他年送好音」《全人矩矱說:「天地好生,征物同一軀命,故人惟兼物性,方為全盡吾性,體此意者,樽節愛養,戒殺放生,自有所不能己也」《文昌帝君戒殺文》動植飛潛皆含生意,卵胎濕化,俱見天心,殊其形,不殊其性,異其類,不異其天。…今對仁人君子,破囊財以保物命,甘淡泊以憐眾生,坐臥立行,留心愛護;兒頑童耍,苛責伐生,善征福報,予不贅述。《文昌帝君陰騭文》亦說:「欲廣福田,須憑心地。行時時之方便,作種種之陰功,利物利人,修善修福,正直代天,行化慈祥」「或買物而放生,或持齋而戒殺,舉步常看蟲蚊,禁火莫燒山林,無夜燈以照人行,造河船以濟人渡,勿登山而網禽鳥,勿臨水而毒魚蝦」如是則吉神擁護,百福駢臻、千祥雲集。這是利用道德的力量,規勸珍惜生命,奉行眾善。

反之,對於那些暴殮天物,殘害生命的各種惡行,道教給予了無情的揭露與嚴厲的批判。《太上靈寶朝天謝罪大懺》卷三中詳細地論述了末世惡人們的所作所為:他們或殺牛羊驢馬豬禽之類,或殺麂鹿虎豹野獸之類,或殺鵲鳩燕雀飛禽之類,或殺蟲蛇蜂蠍螻蚊之類,或殺龜鱉魚蝦水蟲之類,或殺蜣螂螟蛉小蟲之類,真可謂殺機大發,萬物遭殃,其手段亦非常毒辣,或飛鷹走獸,張羅布網,或放火燒山,窮林竭澤,或持弓矢刀杖,手揉足踏,坐按臥捺;或穿坑出土,折籬作障;或剖胎破卵,熱湯潑地;或斷其頭足,剝裂皮毛;或猛火煎燒,沸湯烹煮;或生分子母,斷其胎育;或固絕命根,令其永滅。凡此種種惡行,殺害無數生靈,罪孽深重,「長行殺戮,行諸苦酷,不念慈心,殺害群毛」如行此類罪惡,皆為逆天叛道,必遭報應,死後墮入九幽地獄,「酆都考罰,萬劫方生」。

《太上感應篇》中亦指出了種種傷害生命、惡待萬物的行為。如「射飛逐走,發蟄驚棲,填穴覆巢,傷胎破卵」「用藥殺樹」「春月燎獵」「無故殺魚打蛇。如是等罪,司命隨其輕重,奪其紀算,算盡則死,死有餘責,乃殃及子孫」。道書中收集了大量的故事,從正反兩方面講述了重生與濫殺給個人與社會帶來的不同結果。如江陵郭暉天性慈愛,買雷公藤以焚之,救河川中魚蝦螺蚌之生命百萬,享年96,子孫皆登科為官。(29)鎮江有一位姓范的妻子身患癆病而命危,醫生讓其夫買了上百隻小雀,以合藥治療。其妻說:「為救我一條命,卻殺一百隻雀兒的命,我不忍心,情願死也不做此事」。於是開籠放生。不久妻子的病居然好了,併生了兒子,人們說這皆是善心感天的報應」。(30)相反,唐代張直方殘忍好殺,肆伐生命,凡鳥獸蟲蝶見之必殺而後快,後因殺人於市「滿族遭誅」。(31)在《白話勸戒錄》中所收載的「病中夢游陰曹」「殺害生命的果報」「害雀兒的報應」「歡喜殺生的報應」「打雀兒」「蛇來要命」「殺生報應」「水獺要命」等故事,都是在強調無辜殺生的罪行,必然造成深重的惡果。這種依托天道、顯現因果的說教,實質上仍然是根基於人間的報應,是人與人之間倫理關係的變相反映,只不過採以了「天道」的信仰化形式而已。其目的還是規勸人們改變自己的不良行為,多一些愛心,使生命得以保護,使萬物以生存,使人類生存的環境更加美好。

總結以上所說,道教貴生戒殺的思想要點有三:

道教認為,生命是神聖的,無論是天地的至靈人類,還是遍布山川空間的禽獸魚蟲,它們的生命都是大自然的傑作,都是大道至德的顯現。任何生命,在其孕育、誕生、生長及至死亡的過程中,始終都充滿了神聖的色彩。作為一種宗教,作為一名教徒,道教及其信徒們,總是心懷對生命的敬畏與熱愛的心情,從事著保護生命、善待萬物的事業。
生命是相互依存的共同體。所有的人,所有的生物,乃至山川河流、礦物土地,都是在一個共同的天地之中相互連接,相互協同進化著。正如《關尹子》所說的那樣:自然界好比大海,其中包含著億萬的變化,從本質上講,鱷和魚以及它們生活於其中的水,皆屬同一個生命體。人和萬物都一起處在這個巨大的變化不息的宇宙中,人的本性和其他一切自然事物是同一的。知道了這個道理,就知道了並沒有可以單獨生存的人我。
在肯定人類主觀作用的同時,亦否定以人類為中心的自大狂妄態度,承認地球上的一切生命都有生存發展的權利。用《無能子.聖過》中的話未說:天地定位,陰陽氣交,於是裸蟲、鱗蟲、毛蟲、羽蟲、甲蟲生化。「人者,裸蟲也,與夫鱗毛羽蟲俱焉,同生天地」,交氣而已,無所異也」既然如此,人類應該以平等的眼光看待萬物,以慈悲的心情去善待生命。因為所有的生命都像鎖鏈一樣,;環套一環,若其中的一環斷了,那麼這條萬物賴以生存的生命鏈就會七零八落,人類的歸宿將隨著一個又一個生命體的消失而滅亡。
顯然,道教的這些思想主張、是與現代生態倫理學的觀點不謀而合的。現代生態倫理學最初是由法國哲學家、1952年諾貝爾和平獎獲得者施書玆(Albert Schweitzer)和美國生態學家萊奧波爾德(Aldo Lecpole)分別在本世紀30年代和40年代提出來的。

在施書玆的著作(文明哲學:文化與倫理學﹜(l928年)中,把人和自然的關係看成是一種文化、從對生命崇拜的熾熱情感,引發出生命觀和生態倫理學。其主要的觀點是:(1)新的倫理學是對文化的必要發展。(2)新的倫理學的基礎是崇拜生命的原則。(3)人對周圍的所有的生物負有個人責任。(4)基於新理性之上的倫理學思想對現實生活起著指南針的作用。這是施書茲以他熾熱的人類感情、從倫理學上提倡保護地球上的生命、成為現代西方世界中第一位高揚「尊重生命」的倫理學家。

其後、萊奧波爾德從哲學和生態學兩方面證明了生態倫理學產生的必要性和迫切性。他的著作《大地倫理學》提出了幾個重要的觀點,(1)必須重新確定人類在自然界中的地位、人類並非自然界的主人、統治者、而是自然界中極普通的一員。(2)僅僅考慮人類的經濟功利需要從而關心生態平衡、這是遠遠不夠的。人類只有從自然的整體出發、才能正確認識自己與自然交往行為的正當與否。(3)要把權利這一概念從人類延伸到自然界的一切實體和過程。草木禽獸、魚鱉蟲蚊都有生存繁殖的權利,人類沒有權利去踐踏它們。(4)要求政府和企業家們都要對環境的良性發展盡職盡責。他說:任何有助於維持生物共同體的完整、穩定和美麗的措施都是好的、正確的、否則就是錯誤的。可以說、《大地倫理學》的問世,標誌著現代生態倫理學作為一門科學正式形成。

當前、隨著世界範圍內環境保護運動的蓬勃發展、人們日益關注生態倫理學的建設。在這個充實與完善的過程中、中國道家、道教所擁有的那些具有遠見的觀點理應放出它本身的光芒、為未來世紀的人類新文明、新倫理做出貢獻。

注釋
------------------
1.見《世界的未來關於未來問題一百頁》第89頁,北京中國對外翻譯出版公司1986年版。
2.見普里高津《從混沌到有序人與自然的新對話》第1頁、上海譯文出版社1987年版。
3.見葛榮晉主編《道家文化與現代文明》第194頁引、中國人民大學出版社1991年4月版。
4.見葛榮晉主編《道家文化與現代文明》第301頁引。
5.見葛榮晉主編《道家文化與現代文明》,第302804
頁。
6.據《莊子.天地》文意譯。
7.據《莊子.齊物倫》文章譯。
8.見《莊子.山林》。
9.見《老子》第二章。
10.見唐.陸龜蒙《讀陰符經詩》。
11.見唐.陸龜蒙《讀陰符經詩》。
12.據李笙《黃帝陰符經疏》意譯。
13.據王道淵《黃帝陰符經夾頌解注》意譯。
14.據胥元一《黃帝陰符當經心法》意譯。
15.據李笙《黃帝陰符經疏》意譯。
16.據李笙《黃帝陰符經疏》意譯。
17.據蹇昌辰《黃帝陰符經解》意譯。
18.據朱熹《黃帝符經注解》意譯。
19.據《黃帝陰符經集解》意譯。
20.據李笙《黃帝陰符經疏》意譯。
21.據牛道淳《文始真經注》意譯。
22.據牛道淳《文始真經注》意譯。
23.據牛道淳《文始真經注》意譯。
24.據牛道淳《文始真經注》意譯。
25.見《重陽全真集.浣溪紗》
26.見《北游語錄》。
27.見《呂氏春秋.貴生》。
28.見《云笈七簽》卷十六《九天生神章經》。
29.見《陰騭文圖說》。
30.見《白話功戒錄》。
31.見《感應篇圖說》。

Sunday, 27 August 2006

Taoism and Ecology

Nature is a whole, and humankind is only a part of it. Among others, Gregory Bateson has emphasized the interactive process between humankind and what, in Nature, is not humankind, as well as the necessity to find an equilibrium within this interactive process for ensuring our survival.

Nature is the everlasting Master of Humankind

After a few centuries of subjectivism we are finally starting again to know ourselves through the prism of Nature. Man’s existence on earth depends very much on accident and specific conditions, and the limits on our survival coincide with the necessity to respect our natural milieu.

This calls for a change in our ethical views, learning form the language of each part of Nature, and recapturing the wisdom about Nature accumulated during ancient times, in particular in the Taoist tradition.

In this tradition, the universe is filled with life, all the elements exchanging information and influences; the universe appears as an organic whole of relationships.

The Way, in Laozi, is the creative force, the origin of life. “The great Dao flows everywhere, to the left and to the right. The ten thousand things depend upon it. It holds nothing back. It fulfills its purpose silently and makes no claim. It nourishes the ten thousand things, and yet is not their lord. It has no aim. It is very small. The ten thousand things return to it. Yet it is not their lord. It is very great. It does not show greatness and is therefore truly great.” (Laozi, Chapter 34) Dao is like a mother who nurtures all kinds of life, and all kinds of life depend upon it.

Later writings in the Taoist canon stress that the Dao nurtures and transforms all beings but does not position itself as Master, it rather penetrates everything thanks to its smallness like water and air – actually, it cannot be described as being small or big.

The Dao is immense and humble, it retains nothing for itself, it provides an ethical model that man has to continuously study.

‘Heaven and Earth come to existence along with me”

There is a story in the Zhuangzi that runs as follows. In the beginning, there was the Nothing, there was no Being, and from this state of things originated the primitive Oneness. There was Oneness but no forms. Beings originated from the Oneness without shape, and this is what is called {original} Virtue. Beings had a Principle, its flow gave birth to material beings {wu}, which had forms, forms protecting spirit, each form provided with its own laws, which is called “one’s nature.” When men apply themselves to the nurturing of one’s own nature, they can come back to the realm of {original} Virtue. The nurturing of Virtue can bring one back to the great Unity of the beginnings. In the “emptiness’ of the Unity all languages merge into one, they merge into Heaven and Earth. Such Unity is without interstices, without knowledge, it amounts to perfect union with Nature.

In the chapter 22 of Zhunagzi, Confucius asks Laozi about the Way. Laozi answers by saying: Fast, cleanse your heart and mind, brush away your know-how! The Dao is too subtle for words!(…) The brightest of the bright is begotten from the darkest of the dark. The qualified is begotten of the shapeless (…) Everything in creation begets itself of different forms. Those with nine orifices are born from a womb, and those with eight orifices from an egg. The Dao comes without traces. For it, there is no door, no abode; it penetrates everywhere. For those who obey it, the four limbs become strong, thought penetrating, ears and eyes keen… Without the Dao, Heaven would not be lofty nor Earth broad, sun and moon would not move nor creation prosper. (…) Discussion of Dao does not mean that one understands (…) Dao may be compared to the ocean, its peaks have no beginning and no end (…)

In the same chapter, there is another story. Dong Guo asks Zhuangzi where is the Dao. “Everywhere!” “For instance?” “In ants” “lower?” “ In weeds… in tiles… in excrements…” Dong Kuo says no more. Zhuangzi says: “your question does not get to the essence of the problem. There is nothing that escapes the Dao. What has made all things shares no confines with them, but there is a confining for things, and that’s Dao. (…)”

There are other similar stories in the Zhuangzi, expressing the solidarity between Heaven, Earth and the sentient beings. But Zhuangzi does not negate the oppositions and even contradictions between man and things or among things. They are separate but they “appear to existence simultaneously.”

According to the second chapter of Zhuangzi, “distinctions” are the problem. It is hard to distinguish between what belongs specifically to man, earth or heaven. The true knowledge of the “true man” knows how to become “companion of Heaven” in quietness and “companion of men” in action.

In chapter 17 of Zhuangzi, it is said that ” buffaloes and horses having four feet is nature. Bridling a horse’s head and piercing a buffalo’s nose is man. The natural is not to be destroyed by the artificial. Fate is not to be destroyed by deliberation, and native excellence is not to be sacrificed to opinion. Observe this, this is what is meant by returning to the True.”

The union between Man and Heaven is the reason for treating Nature with kindness. In the beginnings, man was acting according to an attitude of “non action”. As he was not harming animals and Nature, animals and Nature were letting him dwelling peacefully among them. For Zhuangzi, the progress in society goes along the decline of True Virtue. Zhuangzi propones a doctrine of “non action” as a way to come back to the “unpolished”, as a way to come back to a state of harmony between Man and Nature.

Furthermore, Zhuangzi stresses the fact that each material being has its own nature and potential. The various species succeed one another as in a kind of ring {of transformations} and this is what is called “equality.”

He also puts forwards a concept of “function” (ji). The function of each being is similar to its movement, its transformation, which will allow for the transformation of all the beings with which it is linked. A Chinese philosopher has said that Zhuangzi propones a conception “very much akin to evolutionism.”

It is only by following Nature that all sentient beings enter and know the movement of the Dao. Heaven and Earth nurture all beings with equanimity, without making any kind of discrimination.

Dao is not only the origin of things, it is also the standpoint from which to observe all beings. Entering the Way is merging with Nature and returning to the original standpoint.

This world-view, initiated by Laozi and Zhuangzi, became the basic standpoint of the Taoist tradition. For instance, in the Huainanzi, the harmony within the Whole is emphasized. Dao is seen as an “ancestor” at the origins of the myriad transformations. Material beings exist only through their relationships and mutual transformations. This is in the line of the chapter 2 of Laozi (“Being and Nothingness arise together… as do difficult and easy, long and short, high and low…”). It is only through the movement of transforming themselves that all beings can perpetually be brought to life. This endless continuation expresses the perfect movement of completion proper to the Dao.

A Deep, Admirable Ecological Wisdom
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This conception of “becoming the companion of Heaven” has influenced not only Chinese philosophy, it has influenced modern Western philosophy as well. An American philosopher writing about Nietzsche and the Taoist tradition has emphasized that Taoism provides Western philosophy with a perspective from which to explore anew its own tradition.

Capra traces back the roots of the crisis between man and nature to Cartesian and Newtonian thought. The remedy lies in the alliance between the new model of natural sciences and “Eastern mysticism”, including Taoism.

An historian stresses the “motherhood of Nature” and thinks that we should inspire ourselves from ”Eastern polytheism.” Recognizing a spirit in the natural elements will inspire us reverence vis-a-vis the biosphere.

Likewise, an English scientist sees our biosphere as a living creature of its own right. According to him, in the evolutionary process we are now moving from “the sphere of humankind” to the “sphere of Gaia”, a very risky process, which requires a radical change of our world-view.

Many contemporary scientists give more and more attention to the way ancient populations have been living with Nature and to Eastern traditional thought. They might not consider that they will find in this the cure for all our ecological ills, but they think that this historical investigation will provide them with valuable insights. We need a post-modernist stance in order to confront a post-industrial society. Taoist thought provides us with a conception of “the mystery within the mystery” (Laozi, chapter one) of universal value. Humankind needs to dialogue with its predecessors in order to receive wisdom and strength for confronting its future.

(English Summary of the paper delivered at the conference on “environmental protection and development”, Qingchengshan, July 2-6, 2000, Ricci Institute, Sichuan Academy of Social Sciences)
© copyright 2000 by Taipei Ricci Institute

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